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The Colonial Treasurer in Christchurch.

(Pise Pbess Association.)

Chbistchubch, Tuesday. Major Atkinson" delivered a second address to night. The Mayor occupied the chair. The hall was crowded. The Treasurer said he had no love for the word pauperism, because he disliked what that word represented. He asked them to give careful consideration to what he would say, and sift the bad from the good. Let them examine these great questions outside party feelings, and-f see if they could arrive at some conclusion for the benefit of the colony. Last night they saw that the colony was in a favorble position to deal with some of the most complicated questions of the day ; to night he proposed to consider pauperism,—its causes, aud remedy, All his experience and reading led him to conclude that as civilisation aud material wealth grew so did poverty; the disparity between classes seemed to be widening every day in the old country; and it was the duty of the people to examine each cause of

poverty, and see what could be done to remedy it. He would uot draw a picture of the painful effects of poverty, but would simply mention that in Great Britain £230,000,000 had been put by last year,—after paying all the expenses of the year the nation was that money the richer, yet there, in England, were 700,000 paupers, of whom 111,000 were able bodied adults, costing the country over £7,000,000. They would see what an enormous mass of misery there must be. Let them consider what were the causes of pauperism. He would give the main ones, though there were doubtless other influences at work to create it. The causes were bad laws, want of thrift, over population, and crime. He had omitted drink, as he had included it as a sub head under the divisions of thrift and crime. When a man drank more than he could afford it was want of thrift; when he carried it to excess it ras crime. Bad laws was one of the most powerful causes. The English poor law was one of the greatest curses inflicted ou any country; it was originally an enactment in favour of low wages. Justices determined what amount of pay would enable a working man to just barely live, aud if the farmers paid, him what they thought fit the country made up the difference between that and what the Justices had determined to allow him. Bad fiscal systems were also to blame for pauperism, especially the terribly bad land tenure of the old countries. Bad laws had not had time to act here, but if the electors did not watch against the introduction of bad laws they would come. (A voice : "We always have done so.") He was very glad to hear it, but still his experience did not go to prove it. Want of this was considered by many the greatest if not the sole cause of the poverty of the lower classes. He differed from those authorities. So far as old countries were concerned, many leading Liberals lately stated in their speeches that thrift alone would not help people out of their present poverty, as numbers of the lower classes did not earn sufficient to enable them to save enough to prevent poverty in their old age. With us it was very different; we had not been so thrifty as we should* nor taken advantage of our opportunities ; we were not only a hard working people, but a hard-drinking and smoking people. Lust year the consumers of drink and tobacco paid away over £3,030,000. He thought everyone, considering this fact, must admit that among a population so well-housed, clothed, and fed as the people of this colony were, there was great room for saving. This would come out in a strong light when it was known how much was put by during the year. The total income of the Friendly Societies was£63,CoO; the increase in the Savings Banks, £27,000; and the amount of insurance premiums £300,C0O; a total of about £400,000 against a drink and tobacco bill of £3,000,000. With regard to over-population, —Ibr many generations to come the world would produce far more food than the human race would consume. Here we wanted mouths to eat what grew and hands to conquer and cultivate the country. We were affected by overpopulation in one way : We had too many of certain classes. He dissented from the doctrine of Malthus as relating to the world in general, but, no doubt, overpopulation seriously affected certain districts, by causing undue competition for works. It assisted to. swell the ranks of paupers. He would not speculate on this question, as it did not seem to be practical. Some people had come out when not fit, for the colony. Crime in the old country no doubt largely swelled the ranks of pauperism, and it had no doubt added its quota to the 1 number here ; we had, however, no criminal class, unless we included the drunkards, who' filled our hospitals, gaols, and asylums,- and caused terrible misery in families. It was through drink that large numbers of cases of wifedesertion occurred. Wife desertion would, he hoped, be dealt with next session. The Home Government hadpassed a law which would enable this colony to legislate for this worst of crimes in conjunction with the other colonies. Three out of the four causes of pauperism were in operation in this colony—eren if in two instances to a limited extent. They were to consider tonight how to prevent one cause,—-bajd laws, unsuitable persons coming in, and also how to deal with causes already here. They were affording all possible facilities fc-:: encouraging private thrift by Friendly Societies, Saving Banks, and insurance. He could not speak too highly of Friendly Societies, but it must be remembered that they only numbered 20,000 males out of 150,000 in the colony. They admitted no women ;'-.no one could join them unless in good health, and any member was liable to lose his benefits if he were unable to keep up his payments. Besides, the Friendly Societies could not help unthrifty cases. He hoped he would have the full support of the Friendly Societies in giving effect to the scheme he was about to propose, aud from the spirit they bad shown he believed they would not be unwilling to help. Insurance had been worked to a large extent in the colony. The amount insured was £10,000,000, and the annual premiums wera £300000. Two out of 11 males over 16 were already insured ; still, if a man were unfortunate, he might lose the advantaue of insurance. Here, also, the unthrifty class was not touched. Savings Banks had doce much good to the thrifty chss : the withdrawals were certainly at present large, but that was no evidence of want of thrift. The State was now paying £90,000 a year for hospitals and charitable aid; £30,000 being for the latter. It showed a great amount of money. The colony had no able-bodied paupers, but it had a large number of those who, from old age and other causes, were in indigence. The expenditure of so large a sum should make all try earnestly and see what could be done to prevent this evil from growing, and to remedy it what should we do ? He would like to see the people of New Zealand determined to stamp out pauperism, and if they so determined it could be done. His proposal was not chimerical. He was a practical man if anything, and had had all the previous information bearing on the subject before him for many years. Pauperism could not be kept down by voluntary associations or by a poor law : the first could not reach the unthrifty, and the other presupposed the existence of a pauper class. The people must make up their minds whether to accept pauperism, and deal* with it by poor laws, or deal witu it on rational principles and stamp it out. They had to consider whether they could deal with pauperism by indirect means; educate the people to thrift by good laws and roluntary effort, and make laws so perfect ag to provide work for al. He did not

think this was possible. If the evil must be dealt with directly, some means must be devised to do so. There were no means of dealing with it except by the State, which, in a democratic country especially, had a right to make all citizens provide in youth for sickness and old Bge. As to the proposition he submitted tn the House last session, he would riot trouble them with much of its details, but he wanted them to understand its principles. .Wo doubt there were many men in the colony who could form a scheme, if the principles were accepted. He would at some future time submit the details of a scheme, probably in print, for all to read and make suggestions on his scheme. It was not impracticable ; the only difficulties in its way were those inseparable from any large or new scheme. He had proposed that each person should make a weekly payment, either from 18 years to 23, of 3s 3d,—or from 16 to 23, of 2s 3d : in return for this each was entitled to get 15s a week when sick, up to 65; and after that age an annuity of 10s per week. This scheme would produce habits of thrift, and in a few years people would not feel it as a burden. The present population over 18 year^ild were not affected, still it was a questiOT whether they would not contribute according to .age to a sick fund. This would provide for the* whole population except widows and orphans. He had made two suggestions to provide'for these: one was that every man and woman should pay 2s a week for five years from 23 to 28. If, again, the country were to apply the rent of Crown lands to their purpose, sufficient funds would be provided to relieve all the widows and orphans of the future generation. This would not sap the independence or thrift of the colony, for the Crown Lands belonged to the people, and every child born in the colony would share in the benefits derived therefrom If the lands were not used in this way every man and woman would have to pay £5 10s a year for twelve years, and the whole of the benefits he had referred to would he provided. He did not believe that thipSrould destroy friendly Societies, as it wcutd be reasonable and right to give man the option of joining either the Friendly Societies or the Government Assurance. Even supposing the Friendly Societies were absorbed into the National Societies, 1 the thrifty class demanding greater comforts than the Government scheme would give them, would still form such societies, and the habits of thrift created by compulsory saving would tend to largely increase their numbers. He would answer one or two objections. First, —it was said the scheme was beyond the functions of the Government, and should be left to private individuals. He answered that it was now left to private individuals, and they would not do it. No one but Government could manage it, as its management by private individuals pre supposed the existence of that class which it was desired to prevent. Then it was said that British subjects did not like compulsion. In civilised countries people had to submit to compulsion : they were sometimes not allowed, for instance, to build wooden houses or to keep pigs. The unthrifty were now being kept by the thrifty, and surely it was justifiable compulsion to compel each to provide for himself. It had been said that the youn^ could not afford to pay what was required : if that were tru_, there must be something desperately rotten in the state of the country; and, if it were so, he would have done great good in rooting out the terrible faot that the whole count/y was resting on a rotten basis. If it were true, the cause should be found out and be remedied. It was raid it would be impossible to collect the premiums: As to those persons who could not pay—idioms and such—of course the State would have io pay for them ; as to those who would not pay, there would be little difficulty, as the collection of premiums was imposed on employers. (Hisses and cheers.) 'He was glad to see that differ - enee of opinion, and hoped each would support his opinion, and fight for it in the political arena. Supposing some, such outcome as he had proposed were adopted (and if it were found that the premiums were too high they could be reduced), great advantages would result therefrom ; the husband would know that hii wife was provided for in the event of his death, the parents would know the same with regard to their children. Though some might consider the questions slated by him were uninteresting end not practicable, they were of the utmost importance, for unless care were taken the people would find the evils he had pointed out would come upon them. In conclusion he con sidered that no Government or people could apply themselves to a higher and nobler work than the removal of pauperism. (Loud applause). Mr Jenson moved a rote of thanks to Major AtMoson for his address. Mr John* Holmes, M.H.R, objected to Major Atkinson's scheme as one imposing a poll tax on all, the poor paying as much as the rich, and the rich receiving as as much benefit as the poor. It would take from then eh the duty and priviledge which theyi \ I had of providing for the poor. '„ .' ' ' Major Atkinson returned thanks. He felt inclined to reply to some of the objections, but would not do so further than by saying he would be sorry indeed if the people of the colony formed the idea that in old age and sickness, instead of being able to provide for themselves, they were to.be dependent upon the rich, (Loud applause.) -.The meeting then closed.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THS18830321.2.11

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Thames Star, Volume XIV, Issue 4434, 21 March 1883, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
2,362

The Colonial Treasurer in Christchurch. Thames Star, Volume XIV, Issue 4434, 21 March 1883, Page 2

The Colonial Treasurer in Christchurch. Thames Star, Volume XIV, Issue 4434, 21 March 1883, Page 2

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