OFFER OF HELP

Taranaki Daily News, 20 September 1922, Page 5

OFFER OF HELP

NEW ZEALAND’S REPLY. APPROVED BY HOUSE. ONLY LABOR OBJECTS. POSITION EXPLAINEDThe situation in the Near East, and the events which led to the British Government’s request to New Zealand to send a contingent, were reviewed in the House yesterday afternoon by the Prime Minister. The House carried the following motion on the voices, after an amendment by the Labor Party had been defeated by 57 votes to 7:— “That in connection with recent developments in the Near East, arising out of the war between Turkey and Greece, this House confirms the action of the Government, in response to a telegram from Mr. Lloyd George, in stating that New Zealand desired to associate itself with Great Britain in any course of action decided upon, and also that the Dominion was prepared to send a contingent."

(By Wire—Parliamentary Reporter.) Wellington, Last Night. When the House met to-day Air. Massey made a statement regarding the Near East situation and New Zealand’s attitude. He read the following portions of a cablegram received from Mr. Lloyd George, dated London, September 16:

“Cabinet to-day decided to resist Turkish aggression upon Europe, ana to make exertions to prevent the Allies being driven out of Constantinople by Mustapha Kemal in particular, and above all to maintain the freedom of the Straits by securing firmly the Gallipoli Peninsula. “These arrangements are intended to cover the period that must elapse before a stable peace with Turkey can be assured. For this purpose a conference is being proposed, probably at Venice, or possibly at Paris, and it is essential ,we should be strong enough to maintain our position at Constantinople and around the Straits until this peace has been achieved. “I should be glad to know whether the Dominion Government wish to associate themselves with the action we are taking, and whether they will desire to be represented by a contingent.” PROMPT ACTION TAKEN. The Prime Minister said the cablegram reached him late on Saturday evening while he was attending -a gathering at Government House. Several other members of the Ministry were present at the time. He saw at once the importance of the communication, and he took the opportunity of consulting his colleagues. After discussion they decided, although they had not a full Cabinet meeting, upon a certain course of action. That course of action was communicated to the Governor-General after the ordinary business of the evening had taken place, and by him, at the request and with the concurrence of the Ministers present, a reply was forwarded to the Imperial authorities as follows: “The Government of New Zealand desire to associate themselves with the action that is being taken, and will send a contingent.” He had since received the following cablegram from Air. Lloyd George: ‘Your prompt response to my inquiry regarding troops to resist any thrust against the freedom of the Straits and the sanctity of Gallipoli Peninsula has been received here with enthusiasm. The Empire cannot consent to sacrifice the result of the gallant struggle and final victory of its sons in the Eastern theatre.” “Those are the telegrams that have passed,” said Air. Massey. “They are really the most important part of what I have to say. Every member of the House, and every individual in this country who takes an intelligent interest in the events of the world, must have felt a certain amount of anxiety with regard to the events that have occurred recently in the Near East. Events followed events in rapid succession, and they came to a crisis with the ■ defeat of the Greeks by the Turks under Alustapha Kemal. Members scarcely need to be reminded of what has taken place since then. ALARM JUSTIFIED. “I don’t wonder the British Government felt alarmed and decided that action must be taken. I have not always agreed with either the sayings or the doings of Air. Lloyd George, although he is a man for whom I have the most intense but I have not the slightest hesitation in saying that on this occasion the right thing is being done by the British Government. Nothing else could be done. The situation had to be dealt with firmly and promptly—it had to be dealt with at once. I feel a certain amount of anx'iety, because I am satisfied that if this war is allowed to spread—if the Turks are not checked and given to understand that they must bring this war to an end —we a.re goinsr to be faced with the greatest war that the world has ever seen, greater even than the last war, and I do not need to remind members of the sacrifices made by the British people and Britain’s Allies in that war.

Mr. Massey said members of the House were aware that Allied troops, British and French, were in Constantinople at the present time. They were not there to control the city, but they were there as a guarantee of the safety of the people from other countries who happened to be in the city. He was not quite clear about the connection between Mustapha. Kemal and the head of the Turkish Government, but he had not the least doubt that there was some connection. Kemal and his followers had been regarded at one time as insurgents, but a change seemed to have come over the scene, and the Government of Turkey seemed now to be working in sympathy and accord with the man who had beaten the Greeks and taken Smyrna.

“Personally, I think it quite likely that an attempt may be made to drive the Allies out of Constantinople.” said Mr. Massey. “If that is successfully prevented it will be by the action that

is being taken by the British Government. I am sorry that the Government of Italy is not working in sympathy with the British Government, but that cannot be helped. The Italians have always been in sympathy with the Turks. France is working with us. I have always looked upon France, for geographical reasons, as one of the natural allies of Britain, and I hope that any friction that has occurred during the last few months will be removed, and that we shall have France working with us during the next few months in the spirit that was shown during the Great War. “If this war is to be prevented, and I hope with all my heart that it will be prevented, it will be prevented by the unity and determination of- the British people. The British people must stand together; the Dominions must stand with the people at the heart of the Empire, and the people at the heart of the Empire must stand with the Dominions. They must be united to resist any encroachment, such as evidently is contemplated by Mustapha Kemal and those working with him. Mr. Massey added that he was convinced the Bolsheviks were backing the Turks in their present adventure.

The Prime Minister said he wished to remind the House that the freedom of the Dardanelles was highly important question. The Strait was one of the most important waterways in the world, and since the war it had been controlled by the Allied Powers. It was quite evident from the cablegram he had quoted that the Kemalists were contemplating the transfer of control either to Russia or to Turkey. Either’ transfer would be a disaster to the British Empire. It would be a humiliation such as he hoped Britain would never accept or permit to be imposed. He was glad to know that at the present crisis there were half a dozen British battleships and some smaller craft in the Bosphorous ready at any time to turn their guns upon Constantinople. He did not believe that they would be asked to do it. He believed that before that happened some proper arrangement would be made, but whatever happened the British people could not allow the Dardanelles to go back to Turkey or to Russia. It was quite evident that the Kemalists intended to take possession of the Dardanelles. Some 20,000 British dead were buried on Gallipoli, and it would be to the eternal disgrace of the British nation if they allowed the Turk to rule there again. For that reason alone, the Empire was justified in the action that was being taken. New Zealanders were among the dead on Gallipoli, and their country did not forget them and their sacrifice. He felt that in the circumstances it had been quite natural for Mr. Lloyd George to turn to the Dominions of the Empire for support and assistance. BELIEF IN RESPONSE. He hoped and believed that the necessary support and assistance would be forthcoming. He would like to think that the people of New Zealand would be unanimous in responding to the appeal that had been made. He did not believe that there would be many objectors. “It has been stated that the Government should have waited to submit the matter to Parliament,” said Mr. Afassey. “I would ask members what the Government is here for? (Hear hear>. The Government is here as the executive of Parliament.” A Labor member: “What is Parliament here for?” Mr. Massey: “Parliament is here to do its duty at every opportunity that offers, but it is not the duty of Parliament to obstruct the Government when the Government is doing what it deems to be right. If members of Parliament think the Government is doing wrong they have a constitutional remedy. “The executive felt on this occasion that it was justified in acting promptly. Mr. Lloyd George has said so, and he probably is as good an authority as we could find. It was our duty to let them know that as far as New Zealand was concerned there would be no hanging back, and that we would stand by the British Government in doing whatever was necessary. I hope that we shall get out of this without any serious war. I would like to know that not a shot would be fired, but whether we shall do eo remains to be seen.” Mr. Massey then moved:— “That in connection with the recent developments In the Near East, arising out of the war between Turkey and Greece, this House confirms the action of the Government in response the cablegram from Air. Lloyd George in stating that New Zealand desired to associate itself with Great Britain in any course of action decided upon, and saying that the Dominion was prepared to send a contingent.” MR. WILFORD’S SUPPORT. Air. Wilford (Leader of the Opposition) seconded the motion. He said he desired to support the sentiments expressed by the Prime Minister. (Hear, hear.) The news was most serious and he wished to associate himself and his party with anything done to meet the situation that had arisen. Cabinet, in his opinion, had done the right thing, and the Opposition Party led by him (Mr. Wilford) would back up what had been done. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Wilford thought it a mistake that the Treaty of Sevres should have provided for Greek occupation of any part of Asia Minor with a consequent menace to Moslem holy places, constituting an insult which the Moslems could not overlook. The Greeks had gone beyond what was laid down by the treaty and trouble naturally came. Russia’s part in the matter was easy to understnd; it wanted an outlet from the Black Sea. Air. Wilford traversed the recent history and position of the Dardanelles and Balkan countries.

No Britisher, he said, could do other than support the proposed British action. “We must back our country. If a parent says to its child ‘we want assistance,’ that assistance must be given.” Air. Wilford paid a tribute to the splendid response of young men to the call. LABOR OPPOSES. Mr. H. E. Holland (Leader of the Labor Party) said the Premier should have submitted the position to Parliament before replying to the British Prime Minister’s cablegram. In his opinion the present situation was one of pure bluff on the part of the Allies. If the Premier put the whole of the facts in his possession before the people he did not think they would approve the action of the Government. The Labor Party did not stand for “my country, right or wrong”; that was a Prussian motto, and it was immoral. Neither he nor his colleagues approved of it. In this matter the Premier had acted on his own. He had flouted Parliament; he had done something without knowing what Parliament thought about it, and he did not seem to want to know what Parliament thought. Ha Relieved the Dardanelle*

must remain an international waterway, but on a cable received -only on •Saturday night this matter had been rushed through when there was no need for haste. The people, who fight are the people who pay the biggest price and they are the ones who should have the largest voice in these matters. They shoud be consulted; even Parliament had no right to say they should go to the front, because the majority of the members of Parliament were over military age, and by voting for war members would be saying others should do something which they themselves would not have to do. He was against that, and both inside and outside the Labor movement he fought against compelling others to do what he would not have to do himself. He then moved the following amendment to the Premier’s motion: “That, this House disapproves of the action of the Government in committing New Zealand to military obligations without the authority of the Parliament and the people of New Zealand, and is of opinion that preliminary to a discussion and a decision on any proposH to engage this country in a further war all information in the possession of the Government should be placed before Parliament and the country; this House further urges the Imperial Government to submit all the questions at issue between the Allied Powers and Turkey to the League of Nations for settlement.”

The amendment was seconded by Mr. P. Fraser (Wellington Central), and on a division it was defeated Iby 57 votes to 7, those voting for the amendment being Afessrs. Holland, Frasor, Parry, Howard, Sullivan, Savage and (all Labor members). The debate was continued till the dinner adjournment and again in the even* ing, members, with the exception Labor representatives, speaking in support of the Government’s action.

Mr. Afassey, in reply, said the Government was justified in doing as they did, because time was an essential of the contract. The menace was ’ serious. Witbin the next few days he ventured to predict we would have very important news; indeed, he sincerely trusted there would lie unanimity' amongst the Dominions of the Empire, because unity was of the first importance. He regretted to see that in Britain itself there was evidence of dissent, and he hoped these differences would be composed, eo that we could face the situation with a united front. He denied that our men died on Gallipoli to give Constantinople to Russia. He also denied that the position was all bluff; he wished it was. The fact was Kemal’s force totalled 70,000 and everyone knew what would happen if a religious war was started. He did not believe every Afoslem in India was disloyal, but there was a great element there which might be roused, and it was perfectly evident what would happen if a, holy war was preached amongst them. • The motion was then put to the House and carried on the voices amidst applause. The Premier then moved the adjournment and the House rose at 9.55 p.m.