The New Zealand Times (PUBLISHED DAILY.) THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 8, 1877.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXII, Issue 5189, 8 November 1877, Page 2

The New Zealand Times (PUBLISHED DAILY.) THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 8, 1877.

It may be remembered that when first the suggestion was made in New Zealand that subscriptions should be raised in aid of the Indian Famine Relief Fund, we pointed out (without desiring to repress tile noble spirit of charity which the colony has since displayed), that as a matter of fact it was tho duty of the Imperial and the Indian Governments to relieve tho starving population: of a large part of India. ,It would seem that our opinions were largely shared in in England. As our London correspondent pointed out the other day, that combina : tion of force and funiPancA had a cartoon of Tenniel’s exhorting England to do her duty as a State," and Sir Julius Vogel addressed a letter to The Times, in which ho appealed not to the private but the public charity of England. Let the force of public opinion be directed to make the Indian Government absolutely responsible for iho relief of tho starving people, at ' whatever cost. ; Sir Julius’ letter puts the case so clearly that wo have no hesitation imprinting it in full. He says : —• Sir,—'Holding tlio strongest possible view as toils being tho duty of > tlio Government not to allow any consideration of economy to stand in tho way of re Moving the fame in India, I Imve hesitated to express rny opinions bocft'*so the current of popular sentiment seemed to run so strongly in tho opposite direction that of private aa opposed to public aid; Mut the

letter in your piiper of Wednesday from a Conservative member of Parliament has given me the courage to address you, ~ No one dan admire more t’.anT do the munificence of the’people of Great Britain, so frequently shown when appeals have been made to their sympathy, audit the presentoontribution was understood to be to relieve distress collaterally arising from the famine, and distinct from; or rather supplementary ,to, the mere supply of sufficient food to preserve life; I should not have a word to say against it. But it it is meant, as seems to be the case, to be so much pecuniary aid to the local Government to assist, it in performing its recognised duty, then I say a few people are imperfectly and inadequately, though with excellent motives, undertaking a function which belongs to the Supreme Government. No one can doubt, I presume, that it is the duty of a Government to save its people from deatii ;by famine, if its means or its credit are sufficient to enable it to do so. Indeed, the duty has been admitted. The local Government has supplied funds and the Imperial Government advice, and both have recognised the claims that the awful infliction lias upon Government attention. It is almost ludicrous in these'circumstances to ask the Lord Mayor of London to step in to aid the Governor-General, the Government of the Presidency, and the Secretary of State. The result is, no doubt, very praiseworthy as showing the extent to which individuals are willing to tax themselves, but meanwhile the people starve, and for tiio thousands required hundreds are collected. 1 venture to say that it is the duty of the Government to instruct tire local Government that no expense is to bo allowed to stand in the way of saving life. Let it subsequently be decided how the money is to be charged. But in the meanwhile the Snpieme Government should find it. If it be indeed the case that India cannot bear the expense, it is to be expected that every part of the Empire will contribute. But this is an after consideration. Let the money first be found and life saved. Every hour's delay means death in a terrible form. If it were supposed that British interests in the future were perilled, there would be no hesitation in expending a hundred or two hundred millions to cripple the power of Russia for a quarter of a century. The greatest military successes seldom do more 1 ban temporarily weaken the losing Power. Now a few millions are wanted, not, it is true, for war, but none the less to aid British interests. The Government, as I think, most wisely, spent four millions to secure a hold upon the shortest road to India. Is it not worth spending twice that sum, if necessary, to travel the shortest road to the hearts and affections of the people of India. When these reflect that we have repressed civil wars and prevented the destruction of female infants, lot them also remember that wo have not been unmindful of the responsibilities consequent upon the enlarged population. The hundred or two hundred millions spent on war might protect 1 idia for a quarter of a century, and then the battle would again have to be fought. But a place in the affections of the people of India would grow with the coming years. The hold of Great Britain in India depends upon the trust of the native population. India is largo and •populous enough. If the natives are contented, there is no danger of Great Britain losing India. Russia would approach British boundaries to find the natives comparing the advantage of British Government with the misery of Russian rule. For a comparatively small sum the Government may show the natives the blessings they enjoy. At present they are likely to think that for the plenty of which Great Britain is most famous, money, is prized more than life If public meetings were held to press upon the Government to come to the rescue, there is little doubt that her Majesty's Ministers would undertake the responsibility. Or an influential committee might be formed to ask each member of the House of Commons to say yes or no to the question, Would lie support a vote to indemnify the Government for the unauthorised expenditure? There should be the least possible delay, for delay and death are in this case synonymous.. The great heart of the nation would leap with pleasure if it were announced that the telegraph had flashed to the Government of India the message, “ the Empress directs her Ministers to authorise you to draw for whatever funds are necessary to save her subjects from death by starvation." Surely this is fairer to the nation than that tens, nay hundreds, of thousands of people should mourn that their individual poverty makes them appear indifferent to the calamity they would joyfully remedy it they had the power.—l am, Ac., Julius Vogel. 127, Cromwell-road, South Kensington, Aug. 31. To this The Times replied in an article in which it agreed with Sir Julius’s exhortation to England to help India as State helps State, but denied that this should supersede or discourage private bounty. The Times also pronounced that a Poor Law was a necessity for India. As it pointed out, a Poor Law is a legalised and mitigated Communism—itself half a revolution to avert a whole one—a sharing of the last loaf to prevent the loss of the whole. Something of the kind will have to be devised for India. We have only to remember that a Poor Law was declared to be impossible in Ireland till the great famine there rendered it impossible to do without it. Of the two impossibilities we accepted that which admitted of a trial. We shall be told by a hundred great authorities that we cannot have a Poor Law in India. It may be so ; but it is still more certain, and needs no concurrence of great authorities, that we cannot get on there without a Poor Law. In replying to The Times’ article, our Agent-General came out with a new plan for averting future famines in India, advocating an emigration to Northern Australia. His letter is as follows: Sir,—l agree with you that "a quarter of a million in the hands of the Indian Government to use absolutely at its discretion ” on collateral objects arising out of th© famine other than merely furnishing food to the starving, may bo productive of much good. But it may fairly be asked has the money been subscribed for such indirect purposes ? I am of opinion that four our of five persons who have given have no idea that their money is to be employed in sending children to school, or buying tools for helpless workmen, which are two of the principal objects which have been named by those who admit that the Government should meet the actual distress arising from the famine. I think also that those who have given in this country have no idea that the Viceroy has discouraged private subscriptions India. Lord Lytton, h iwever euphemistically his objections may be worded, evidently sees the inconvenience, to use a mild term, of impairing the sense of responsibility of the Government. As the object of the subscription lias been called in question, I turn to the advertisement which has appeared in millions of copies of newspapers in London, and I believe throughout the country. The terms of the appeal are as follows:—• “The Lord Mayor, at the urgent request of the Governor: of Madras and others in authority in the Presidency, has opened a fund at the Mansion House in aid of the sufferers by the dire and dreadful famine now raging in Southern India. An immense population is endangered by this appalling vis tation. and the efforts of the Indian Government to mitigate the disaster need to be largely supplemented by private munificence.” I am at a loss to understand this to mean anything else but that the Indian Government is unable to find money enough to feed the famished without private aid. Such is the obvious meaning. It seems to be admitted that beyond all question it is the function of the Government to see that people shall not starve for want of money to keep them alive, and that if the subordinate Government is wanting in means it is the duty of the superior Government to render aid. This covers equally the possession of money or of credit to raise it. The historian next century will find it difficult to explain how in this age of luxury and affluence the Government in best credit in the world has to allow the intimation to pass unchallenged that “the efforts of the Indian Government need to be largely supplemented by private munificence.” If it be said that it is inexpedient to discourage the generosity now being manifested, I will candidly reply that if this country is to find temporarily or finally as may ultimately prove necessary, the immense sum required to furnish food to the starving natives, I think the duty of mitigating indirect distress should fall on the people of India, and certainly not be met by a quasi-Governnient fund, such as this fund raised at the instance of the Governor of Madras undoubtedly is. After all, the people of India will most largely benefit by the help rendered to the survivors, and it is to be remembered that some of tire distress of these survivors means that they have enriched their neighbors by parting with their property at less than its intrinsic value. You ask how future famines can be averted. Will you allow .me to contribute one to the many suggestions which have been made? The remedies, such as tree planting, . irrigation, and others which may generally be classed under the term improving the country, are not sufficiently immediate to enable that greater remedy to bo passed over—ti.o relieving India of a part of its (surplus population. Much may be done in India; but emigration cannot be dispensed with. Then arises the question-to what country shall the natives be removed. Let us see what are the conditions requisite or desirab e. I enumerate some, I do not pretend to name them in the order of their importance:— 1. That they should emigrate to British territory. 2. That the cost of removal should be moderate. 3. That they should not have to pass through a cold climate to reach their destination. 4; That the experience of olficcr* and o:hcrs versed in the knowledge of dealing with the natives of India should be readily procurable. 6. That they should pass to a country In which they will find the moans of living. 6. That there should be some great works progressing on which they can find employment. Uf these conditions the last is the only one requiring explanat ; on. If natives introduced into a new country are solely dependent on private employment, no regulations or rules can prevent their being subjected to more or less tyranny and caprice. The competition which public works affords gives tho natives a choice which saves them from the necessity of submission to cruelty. I include in public works works such as railways, whether constructed by a country or the Government. There is only one country I know of wide'* fulfils the conditions I have pointed out, and that is the northern part of Australia. Thu territory is British, the passage would bo short, moderate in cost, and w thin the Tropics only. The services of Indian, officers could bo rendered -without difficulty, and the country has capabilities of supporting a largo population content to live on tropical ami sub-tropical productions. As regards tho last condition—public works—for .some years ■the project has been mooted of a railway to connect Southern and Northern Australia.,. It was once proposed to give 200,000.000 acres of land to a company to form a railway from Fort Augusta, South Australia,

to Port Darwin. The Government of Queensland have long contemplated constructing a railway to the northernmost portions of that colony, and there is territory in "Western Australia for a railway from extreme South to North. If Indian labor, were available for the construction of a railway wherever it was -deemed most suitable, the cost , would be much lessened. Towns would grow up on the lines of route, and industries of the most varied character be carried on. The South could supply everything that temperate climates yield. In the North an immense impetus would be given to thercultivation of tropical productions. I use the word impetus advisedly, for in Queensland the cultivation of sugar and coffee is already recognised as profitable. There Is also reason to think that Northern Australia is rich in mineral treasure. A through railway would reduce the distance of the mail route and bring the Southern colonies into rapid communication with India and Europe. It will doubtless be said that the Australians would as much object to the natives from India as they have lately shown a disposition to do to Chinese. Ido not think so. Those who are acquainted with the subject aware that there are objections to the Chinese which would not apply to the races of India. To say nothing of their habits and their vices, the Chinese are mere birds of passage. They descend on the country, swoop off with whatever they can get, and have no desire to aid its improvement. They are as Chinese in California or Australia, as in China. The sympathy they deny to others they cannot expect. The Australians would not, I think, object to Indian immigration on however large a scale. The space I feel justified in asking from you forbids my doing more than glance at the subject. May I, in conclusion, point out that one of the most urgent reasons for confederating the Empire is the opportunity it would afford of its various parts being made useful to each other. At present each Dependency is sullenly isolated'from the rest.—l am, &c., Julius Vogel. 127, Cromwell-road, South Kensington.