INDIAN AFFAIRS

Hokitika Guardian, 29 January 1931, Page 5

INDIAN AFFAIRS

STACK OF EVOLUTION

PRIME MINISTER MAKES A

STATEMENT.

RUGBY, January 26

For tiie iirsi time »irice its condusion, the work of tlie RoundTable Conference was discussed in the Commons to-day, when tiie Prime Minister, Mr Ramsay MacDonald, iintj« a statement. The Viceroy-elect of India, Lord Willingdou, listened in the gallery to the speeches.

The Prime Minister emphasised the point that the present position of the Indian problem was the result of evolution and had been reached step by step, each with its inevitable consequences of steps later on. He specially reminded Mr Winston Churchill, who was so critical of the present policy, that it was the sequel to statements made and stages reached when other Governments, of which Mr Churchill had been a member, were in power. The Prime Minister said that the raw material of the Conference was the Simon report. What they meant to do and what they had done was to agree in advance upon the principles which should be applied to Indian Government, and make the foundation of any Constitution ultimately drafted. Everything was provisional, and the stability and success of the work done depended oil how the structure ns a whole was to be built. He believed most sincerely flint the struct*, tiro could be built, but the first stage was to remove Indian problems from the field of suspicion, to get the Indians to accept candour and goodwill and to get. them to see exposed in all its naked weakness the policy of socalled passive resistance, which was only a sort of oral cloak for lawlessness.

CARRYING ON THE WORK. “At this moment,” said the Prime Minister, “the Indian representatives are on their way home, the sworn champions of the work which has been done, and convinced of our sincerity. The Government is now considering how the work is to be carried on.” He already had seen the Viceroy-elect and hoped to approach the leaders of other parties since he felt that it would be a great calamity if the admirable co-operation between them during the Conference was broken in further stages of the negotiations.

“If you wish to bind India to you by bonds of confidence and make her happy within the Empire and Commonwealth,” concluded Mr MacDonald, “if you wish to hear her praise you in pride, then accept the work which has been done by the Conference and instruct the Government to proceed with it to its complete conclusrwn.

THE CONSERVATIVE VIEW. Sir Samuel Hoare again defined the Conservative attitude. While they recognised the great change that had taken place in the East, lie said, there were certain solemn obligations which could no be abandoned whatever constitution might emerge. They must have a sure foundation. If their legitimate demands were satisfied, if a constitution for all India were framed with effective safeguards, and if the system of government had a reasonable chance of working the Conservatives would not quibble over minor details. Thev were, entering on a new phase of Anglo-Indian relations, in which partnership must be made the moving principle and co-operation the basis of action.

SIR JOHN SIMON. Simon said that the Conference had accomplished two great, things. The Indian Princes had been brought into discussion not only with British statesmen, but also with their compatriots in British India. That was a tremendous achievement. Another great achievement was that the Conference had got rid, to a remarkable degree, of suspicion and misunderstanding. The four conclusions he had reached were; (1) He rejoiced at the success of the Conference in securing the adhesion of the Princes to the general idea of an all-India federation. (2)lt was inevitable that in the time available the Conference had not been able to produce a practical solution on so many very difficult and cardinal matters. (3) While ) e “ cognising how much satisfaction the formula of responsibility with safeguards could give, he could not regard unformulated safeguards on vital matters as details. How the safeguards were to work was really the essence of the scheme itself. (4) The Conference should be recognised as the beginning and not the end of the work of framing a constitution.

MR CHURCHILL’S ATTACK. Mr Churchill said lie was not speaking on behalf of the Opposition or of Mr Baldwin. He expressed the opinion that the handling of India in the past eighteen months had he emost unfortunate. The London Conference had been mutilated by the exclusion of the Simon Commission. Congressmen had no power to conclude, or enforce an agreement, but they had formed themselves into a wholly unauthorised constituent assembly to frame a Dominion-status Constitution, entailing the right of secession from the Empire. Only a few months ago every party in the House would have condemned such proceedings. The rapid landslide of British dis-

loyalty had been accompanied by increased unrest, disorder, disloyalty, and assassination in India. The Viceroy had a couple of b*s own kindly generous sentiments—repressive measures and restrictions on liberty—resulting in the gaoling of 60,000 political prisoners.

SUPPORT OF CONSERVATIVES. Colonel 0- R. Lane-Fox. who was u member of the Indian Statutory Commission. asked what was the use of Mr Churchill making such a speech then. It was ignoring the realities of the situation. Mr Baldwin, when explaining that he would not have intervened if Mr Churchill had been silent, declared that the attitude of the Princes had entirely changed the situation. If the Conservatives changed places with Labour it would be their duty, to implement so far as they could what had been done at the Conference, and to use every effort to achieve the federal solution. He proceeded strongly to advocate until between the parties, even if it meant that some Labour members could not go as far as they iljiked. They should recognise that the difficulties were stupendous. He intended, if he became responsible, to do all in his power to carry out the undertakings given repeatedly to the people of India by the Governments of Britain.