THE GLOBE. FRIDAY, MAY 28. 1880.

Globe, Volume XXII, Issue 1953, 28 May 1880, Page 2

THE GLOBE. FRIDAY, MAY 28. 1880.

Successive telegrams enlighten us as to the line that will be pursued by the Gladstone Administration with regard to affairs in South Eastern Europe. It is such as might have been expected from the Premier’s utterances when out of office, tempered of course by the circumstances with which he now finds himself surrounded. It is one thiug to speak with no absolute sense of responsibility, and another thing to act with the nation to call one to account. Moreover, Mr. Gladstone when in opposition was not loader of that body. Ho was a free lance, and the views ho propounded on general subjects wore to all intents and purposes unfettered by the friction of party. Now, however, as leader of the Government, he finds himself in a far different position, and the extreme views to which ho was wont to have recourse are held well in chock by the able body of fellow statesmen who with him share in the responsibilities and sweets of office.

Setting aside for the present Mr. Gladstone’s ideas on what is England’s true place in the council of nations and the position she should assume with regard to her colonies and the further acquisition of territory, we will confine our remarks to his plans with regard to South-eastern Europe. The key note of his policy in this direction is that England has no vested interest in the maintenance of the Turkish Empire. Administration after administration have held that the natural barrier to Russian aggression in that quarter is the power of the Sultan. Mr. Gladstone, on the contrary, maintains that the true counterpoise should consist of a cordon of Christian States blocking the way against Russian advance. And his theory is based on the assumption that it is useless to prop up a rotten concern, and that a Christian kingdom or kingdoms founded in South-eastern Europe on permanent bases, would afford a lover possessing a stable fulcrum, which would not only have great inherent power, but would bo more easily worked by the Groat Powers. And certainly the recent conrso of events would seem to justify his conclusion. In all tho nogociations which have taken place of late with a view of settling the matters entered into by tho Berlin Treaty, the one State that has bafiled tho Great Powers has boon tho very one which ought by all rights to have boon the most anxious to forward the conclusion of nogociations. Tho Turkish empire is still that running ulcer which has for years disturbed tho political health of that quarter of Europe. Tho sharp lesson of the Russo-Turkish war appears not to have cauterised tho sore. The personal

expenditure of the Sultan, the corruption in all the ramifications of tho civil service and the army, and tho total absence of power to control tho nationalities under tho charge of tho Porto, are the same to-day as they wore before tho Prussians crossed tho Danube. Tho ancient State of Turkey is tossing in unquiet, while its latest offspring, Eastern Bulgaria, is in comparative safety. It is not that tho inhabitants of tho empire are irreclaimable, but that the system of Government is utterly rotten. And Mr. Gladstone holds that the sooner this state of affairs is over tho bettor. Ho breaks witli England’s old traditions as to the necessity of tho exist once of the Turkish Empire, and declares boldly that tho cancer must bo removed or cured. Tho present Opposition may flaunt tho Treaty of Berlin in his face, and say “ See what wo have done; wo have in truth placed tho very cordon of Christian States round tho south-western bodors of Russia that you seem to desire,” But the Premier answers, “ You have merely done what I would havo done in another method. I would havo accepted tho Berlin note; I would havo placed tho cordon without tho occurrence of tho Busso-Turkish war, and without laying those nationalities under an obligation to Russia. It should havo been done by tho united pressure of tho Groat Powers.” Wo are not saying that Mr. Gladstone, if in power, would havo effected this, for tho foreign policy of tho Liberals has hitherto boon wanting in initiative firmness; but wo say that those havo over boon tho aspirations of tho Premier. And now he is carrying out such aspirations to their logical conclusion. His Government is exerting itself to move tho Groat Powers in the direction of forcing the Porto to recognise its true position, and to give up aneo and for all tho i lea that whether governed well or ill tho Turkish Empire is a political necessity. Tho Great Powers, a cablegram informs us, havo “written a letter to Turkey in regard to the nonexecution of tho Treaty of Berlin so far as it relates to Greece and Montenegro, and they threaten that a European conference will bo hold at Berlin in July failing the speedy settlement of the existing difficulties.” So far respecting one item of Turkish misrule in Europe. The provisions of the treaty must be carried in regard to tho frontier lines. Tho matter of general misrule, both in the Balkan Peninsula and in Asia, will no doubt quickly follow. It is impossible to foresee the upshot of this new departure and of tho altered attitude taken up by England. It will depend on tho Sultan and his advisers. It seems, however, almost hopeless to expect any radical reformation on their parts. “ Let us oat and drink for to-morrow wo die,” is apparently their motto. To-day they are certainly eating and drinking to their hearts’ content, and it is very possible that their political death is not very far distant.