BRITISH PLEDGE

Gisborne Herald, Volume LXVI, Issue 20025, 25 August 1939, Page 6

BRITISH PLEDGE

ALL RESOURCES RESISTANCE TO FORCE UNITY OF THE NATION 1 CHEERS IN, COMMONS’) CHAMBERLAIN'S REVIEW (British Official Wireless.^) Reed. 1,30 p.m. RUGBY, Aug. 24. Confronted as the Prime Minister, Mr. Neville Chamberlain, said “with imminent perils of war,” a crowded and hushed. House of Commons listened to Mr. Chamberlain’s momentous .statement of the issues raised by Nazi Germany’s actions and threats and: 'Britain’s determination, to yield nothing to force. They heard from him that, ini the communication made yesterday ito Herr Hitler at Berchltesgad'en by the British Ambassador, Sir Neville Henderson, it was made plain that "if the case should arise Britain was resolved and prepared to employ, without delay, all the forces at her command” and they cheered his final appeal that, in tills critical hour they should show the world that “as we Ith-ink, so we shall -fight—as a united nation.”

Wiithi particular interest, members heard, too, Mr. Chamberlain’s admission that Monday’s announcement of the Soviet-German. non-aggression pact came as' a .complete surprise to Britain and a “surprise of a very unpleasant character.” The close attention with which his comments on this development and his refusal, in the meantime, to pass final judgment on ;t were followed, took on increased alertness as .the Prime Minister passed oru to speak of the false deductions that had been made in- certain quarters as to its effect on British policy and' the steps that .had' been taken; to correct them, and to reaffirm, in very deliberate terms, the fidelity of Britain to its pledges.

“Diplomatic Victory”

In ißerilin, 'Mr. Chamberlain' continued, Monday night’s announcement was hailed 1 with extraordinary cynicism as a great diplomatic victory which removed any danger of war, since Britain and France would no longer be likely to fulfil their obligations to Poland.

“We Xclit it our first duty to remove any such dangerous impression,” declared Mr. Chamberlain. Hence Tuesday’s Cabinet statement that the (obligations to Poland' remained- unaffected.

llow indeed, he asked, could Britain, with honour, have gone back upon ‘the undertaking given before negotiations with. Russia were opened, net in any way made dependent on the outcome of such negotiations, and so often and' so plainly repeated. These obligations rested upon, the agreed l statement made in the House of Commons to which effect was being given ini treaties. When concluded Ithey would! formally define, without in any way altering or adding to or substraoting from them, the

obligations of mutual assistance which already had been accepted. Tire Cabinet statement was followed toy Sir Ncvile Henderson’s: visit to Herr Hitler. The object of the comimuruiicaltioni which Sir NeviLe Henderson delivered was to restate the British position and make it quite sure that there would be no misunderstanding. Force Not Necessary

“His Majesty's Government felt that this was a.IL the more necessary, having regard to the reports it had received] of military movement taking place in, Germany and to the projected German.-JS'oviet agreement,” said Mr. Chamibeiilain. Mr. Chamberlain said that the communication, after the declaration already cited of the Government's resolve, if necessary, to employ with-, out delay all the forces at its command, went on to inform the German Chancellor of Britain’s view that there was nothing in the questions between Poland end Germany which could not and should not be resolved without the use of force, if only confidence could be restored.

In this connection Mr. Chamberlain recalled his off-stated conviction that war between Britain and Ger-many-admitted on all sides to be the greatest calamity which could occur —was not desired, either by the British or the German peoples. Mr. -Chamberlain also recalled how Britain .had expressed her willingness to assist .in creating conditions in which negotiations between Germany and Poland on questions outstanding between them could take place. He added that such negotiations could obviously deal also with complaints made on either side about the treatment of minorities.

Coming to Herr Hitler’s reply, lie stated it included “what amounts to a restatement of the Nazi thesis that, in Eastern Europe, Germany should have a free hand. If we or any other country having a less direct interest in this part of Europe choose to interfere, the blame for the ensuing conflict will be ours. This thesis entirely misapprehends the British position.” No Nazi Sacrifice Asked

“We do not seek to proclaim a ; special position for ourselves .in Eastern Europe.” Mr. Chamberlain continued, “so we do not think of asking Germany to sacrifice her national interests. But we cannot agree - that national interests can only be secured by shedding blood, or 'by the destruction of the independence of other States.’ Earlier Mr. Chamberlain, having described the worsening of the situation in the -last few weeks and the violent German press campaign in which it has declared that Danzig could not be subject to any conference or compromise, but must join the Reich at once unconditionally, in which Danzig was linked with the Polish Corridor and in which allegations were made of ill-treatment of Germans -living in Poland strongly resembling those made in lespect to the Sudeten Germans last year, paid tribute to the attitude maintained'by Poland. ‘lt must, I jhink, be agreed that in the face of this campaign, the declarations by Polish statesmen have shown great calm and self-icstiaint, said Mr. Chamberlain. “The Polish leaders, while they seem firm in the determination to resist attack upon their independence, have bee n unprovbcative. They always have been ready, as I ain sure they won let be ready now, to discuss difl’eiencjs with the German Government if they cculd be sure that those discussions

would be carried on without threats of force and could have confidence, that if agreement were reached, terms would be respected afterwards, bo).h in tiie letter and the spirit.’’

Unpleasant Surprise

In passages devoted to the “unpleasant surprise” of 'the Soviet-German pact, (Mr. Chamberlain referred to rumours cf impending changes in the relations 'between the Nazi and the Soviet Governments which had been in circulation for some time, and affirmed that no inkling of any change had been conveyed to either the British or the French Government foy the Soviet.

“The (House may remem'ber that on July 31 I remarked' that we had engaged upon a step that was almost unprecedented in character when 'we agreed to send our soldiers, sailors and airmen to 'Russia to discuss military plans together before we had an assurance that we should (be able to reach agreement on political matters,’? said Mr. Chamberlain. '“'Moved by !M. Molotov’s observation that, it we could come to a successful conclusion of our military discussions, political agreement should not present any insurmountable difficulty, we sent the mission. It arrived on August 7 and was received in friendly fashion, and the discussions ■ were actually in progress and .proceeding on a 'basis of mutual trust when this bombshell was flung down. Highly Disturbing "To say the least it was highly disturbing to learn, while these conversations were proceeding on that basis, that the Soviet was secretly engaged with Germany in other conversations for purposes 'which, on the face of it, were inconsistent with the objects of the Soviet’s foreign policy as we 'had understood it. I do not propose this afternoon to pass any final judgment upon the incident. That I think would be premature until we have had an opportunity of consulting France as to the meaning and consequences of this agreement, the text of which was only published this morning.” Towards the conclusion of his speech, Mr. Chamberlain, after appreciative reference to King Leopold's peace appeal and solemnly-expressed hope that "reason and sanity may find a way to .reassert themselves,” turned io the close cordial relations maintained with France and referred to the encouragement Britain was deriving from the sympathetic understanding displayed by the Governments in every part of the British Commonwealth. In final references io the fundamentals of British foreign policy, Mr. Chamberlain cited as an authoritative manifesto the speech which Viscount Halifax delivered at Chatham House on June 29.

"We want," Mr. Chamberlain said, ‘‘to see established international order based upon mutual understanding and mutual confidence. We cannot build up such an order unless it conforms with certain principles which are essential to Confidence and trust.

“Those principles must include the observance 'of international undertakings and the renunciation of force in the settlement of differences. If despite all our efforts to find a way to peace—and I have done my best —we find ourselves forced to embark upon a struggle which is bound to be fraught with suffering and misery for all mankind, we shall be lighting for the preservation of those principles, the destruction of which would involve the destruction o' all possibility of peace and security in the world.”