AN IRISHMAN ON IRELAND

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 285, 28 August 1919, Page 6

AN IRISHMAN ON IRELAND

MISTAKES ON BOTH SIDES

THE VIEWS OF COLONEL LYNCH (Prom the "Daily Mail.") [Colonel Lynch has been a picturesque figure in Irish politics since 1901, when, after having' fougttt against England at the head of the 2nd Irish Brigade in the Boer War, ho was elected in his absence as Nationalist M.P. for Galway. On coming to England to take his seat he was arrested, convicted of high treason, and sentenced to death. The sentenco was commuted to penal servitude for , life. One year later he was released on license; and in 1907 received a, ' free pardon. He became a colonel in the British Army in June, 1918, and conducted a recruiting campaign ior the British ATiny.in Ireland. He recently lost to Sinn Fein the seat (West Clare) which he had held since 1909. Tlife opinions expressed in the following article are. Colonel . Lynch's own.—"Daily Mail. '] The man who speaks the truth in Ire- , land enters the lion's den. Well, that is what 'I am about to do.. I will offend the extremists of all parties, and nearly everyone in 6 Ireland is extreme. Even the Central Party is, extremely centralit has no circumference. It is only fair to advise the reader of some of my own limitations. 1 pin my 1 faith to no party at present in Ireland. Nearly all put prejudice in the place of principle, and declaim with passion rather than argue with reason. Often their leaders are extreme, not because they think that way but because they are making bids for popularity. I was a member of the Irish Party, but, looking back on the record of the past few years, I find it hard to admire the leadership of John Redmond. Home Rule was brought to us on a silver platter;' we lacked the ability to pick it up and hold it. Our policy consisted m following the Liberal Government slavishly through all the mazes of its incompetence and dishonesty. The manner m which our great opportunity was lost, gave Sinn Fein one of the strongest of its arguments. ,0n the other hand, I am not a Sinn Feiner, as is evident from the fact that. they deprived me of my seat because I could not accent their total programme, still less endorse the various follies oj their ways and means. I still read (heir papers regularly; abuse, misrepresentation, railing, and persiflage oiten amusing, bursts of lyric poetry, or wealc imitations of some dccadent English school of,verse; constructive policy-not even the basis of such. I fougSt against the English Government once, or rather for the Republican principle, in Sourh Africa. In the Great War my admiration for the British troops rose inexpressibly high, while I felt the good faith that animated the British people in their desire to see real- ... ised tho splendid legends on their ban-ner-Right versus Might, Defence of Small Nations, and the like. I believe, in spite of all, Irish and English are fitted to be friends, and to that end I desire to "help. English Mistakes. Declaring this, however, I say that British government in Ireland is worse than tyrannical—that aspeot of it. is always exaggerated in the Sinn Fein ut-terances-it is pettifogging, incapable, meddlesome, brutal at times, cowardly at othors, and generally stupid. A man might get—a man has got— "two years' hard" for 6inging a rebel song; but that is when he sings it at a concert; if he marches with ten thou* ' sand others singing the song past the headquarters of the police or the military the government treats liim with all re-' spect. What must the -American delegates have thought when on their arrival at • the Mansion House they found their way blocked by an imposing military force? Tho Government were searching for an escaped prisoner whom they failed toget; Mr. do Valera,. himself an eseap'd prisoner, arrived, and the armed forces of tho Crown were withdrawn, while the crowd laughed. I do not suggest tliat de Valera should 'be put into a dungeon, but after such an exhibition it would have been well to liberate all the other • political prisoners. Th) Vice-Royalty, now empty of authority, should be abolished. As to the Chief Secretaryship, although it has, been filled by many estimable men, it lai played a role, of such futility of liito that it is fit only to be buried darkly ac dead of night. The way should be umpired by steps as bold as these— 1 tliev are of vital importance—for a . tlement of the question, and that st'i ment must be more wide-reaching a complete than Parliament has yet dreatu of. Advice to Sinn Fein, But what concessions should tho Siui> I'einei's make? First of all, they liiui do something the most, difficult—the)' 1 must oeaso to build on a foundation of hate; they must try to bo statesmen; they inust recognise that the strength of a country cannot be sustained on the spiritual whisky of party passion. They must see that the hostility to everything English, and especially suggestions of boycotting trade with England, will prove disastrous to themselves. If a prophet of God, ordered the Irish people to tak0,£300,000,000 ,£300,000,000 worth of goods and sink them in tho Irish Sea, tliey would question deeply whether that prophet really canio from heaven; but they listen to prophets of less exalted origin, and the policy these prophets advocate will lead to like ruin. Tho claims of Ulster, where just and reasonable, must bo met. The failure to do so frankly constituted one of the faults of policy of tho Irish Party. Instead of denying that there was any . danger of religious intolerance in Ireland, we should have accorded all the safe' guards that Ulster might require. The Sinn Fein movement is being in great'part run by the young priests in the country, and they have introduced, into it unduo religious influences to a degree that is, to put it mildly, disquiet" iug. It is of no use for Sinn Feiners to shout with excitement that Ireland is not priest-ridden, for any impartial observer has the. truth brought homo to him at every turn. At present, also, the education of tho country is mainly in tho hands of tho priests, aud the iutelleotual output ot' Ireland, especially in that great field of masculine exercise—science—is a disgrnca to our national character. A reform long overdue ia here pointed out. Priestly control of State education should be abol« ished. aud incidentally the salaries of all the teachers should bo doubled. Finally, I would say that the way ii\ whioh the Yankees are butting into this question should not be regarded as unfriendly. The Irish question is also their question; I believe that their assistance will be of real value in settling it. It is-only on lines such as those of which I have indicated tho scope that thd Irish question must be handled. The footling policy of delay will not bring about a solution, or rathei! not such a solution as (the Government desires. Another factor may, however, within a short period decide Ireland's destiny.—the Labour movement.