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THE DANGER OF LABOUR

Sir, — lu answer (o the letter from Kenric B. Hurray I must eay from the jump that it brings a gleam of sunshine to. one's mind.to know that there is at least 0110 man nlive to tho danger; that, instead of keeping on the road of preed, he is trying earnestly to stir the public to a senso of duty, and to prepare for the coming- crisis; between Labour and Capital. lam very pleased to note that Mr. Murray does not despair, but shows us clearly that by organising tho common-sense scction of the public the catastrophe mnv bo averted. But. if lam any judge, it will reQuire the active work of thousands m support of Mr. Murray's attitude, and, instead of striving for more wealth, to strive to bring about certain conditions between Labour and Capital that will do a lot more good in tho world than amassing millions. While I do not wholly agree with all Mr. Murrav has to say, I must agren with h.im' in regard to law and order, for that is essential at all costs. But T. am afraid that Mr. Murray is overlooking the fact that tho aid of Labour enables us to keep civilsalion to-day, and it is that fact that at all costs we must not lose sight of. Mr.i Murray rightly points out to us that to-da'y Labour has gone mad; but, in the name of Heaven/has not Capital gone equally mad ? Mr. Murray unfortunately puts all the blame on Labour, while i think Capital should bo carrying quite half tho blame, or n shade more. Amongst our capitalistic friends wc have somo very brainy and well-educiited men, and, having capital at. their back, t.liey liave tho means to he iu a position to give miy amount of time to the welfaro of the public. Amongst our labouring classes wo have both brainy and educated men, but in the majority of cases theso men have got their living to earn, and cannot give the time (even if they 60 desire) as can the capitalistic men. Knowing this, I feql that I am quito justifiod in saying that Capital is to-day a littlo more to

blame than Labour. As I have al» ready said, Mr. Murray blames Labour for going mad. Now, Sir,_ if, as J. intend to point out, Capital is equally a« mad, surely two wrongs do not make & right. ■ ' Now, Capital will say, What havo wo done that hurts Labour?' It is just here that the boot pinches most, ift the (lays of our forefathers our^ capitalists were quite satisfied id conduct tn? most of their businesses in a simple- and efficient manner, but by Labour not. being organised or educated, Cnpilul was allowed to amass many millions thru would have been much better had a fair proportion been left amongst the labour-' ing nlas-ws. These accumulated millions are the sheet-anchor of the trouble to- ~ day. and also the cau6o of what is looming up in'the near future. It is largely through the millionaires that we havu all the octopi in the shapo of tno trusts, combines, etc., etc., and it is at the throats of these trusts that Labour should go, and not go mad abiut shorter hours and higher pay. lhe only way we can get shorter hours and more pay is by cutting out the drones and going to work in a very different light than # the average worker goes to work to-day. •Both the boss and the man have to bo re-educated if we ore to avert the coming catastrophe, for both must start on quite a new basis, and oncc and foreveß give up .trying to take one another down. While to-day we have both good bosses and good men, I atn sorry to say the majority of both are not good, and their ono desire is to take one another down, and it is that rotten spirit that is the principal cause of the unrest to-day. ( Tho burdens-of Labour are'nothing today to what they were a century ago, and they are heavy to-day to what they will be iu a century's time. In tho past the only liopo there was foi Labour to assert its rights was to strike; but everything has its day, and from to-day strikes should decrease, and not increase; and instead of the labouring classes 'agitating for strikes they should be agitating for common-sense methods amongst their ranks, and by this means they will soon accomplish wonderful strides in improving their conditions. They will soon learn that ono and all of ■us have our troubles, whether we bo capitalists or labourers; and it is ontj bv thinking, saving, nnd trying to do unto others as we would like to be'done unto that we will ever make sound progress. To alter the present conditions we have to start and educate the masses to think for thcmselvK and not allow, themselves to bo carried away Uy eome reckless fool who has been endowed with the power of speech, and is utterly regardless of the rights and wrongs of what is at stake. Now Sir, it is high time the public, realised that the time has now arrived to start to'put their house in order, irrespective of whether they -bo rich or poor; and the first step they should take should be to follow up in politics what your brave lads have done to Germany—they have struck the Germans, to their knees, and now they should, rise in the same spirit and, through the liat-lot-box. strike once and for all lime out the German method of management of our Government. Sir.-if history is correct, party government was introduced into England by William the Third in the year 1G93, and encouraged by George I. ' Now, Sir, I contend that it is in party government that lies our biggest trouble, and to-day it is useless for tho right-thinking public to shut their eyes to the fact that the labourers are in the « maiority, and if the good-thinking and living "workers aro allowed to run this little Dominion we have little to fear, for most of us are . workers in every sense of the word. Take the farmer, who most townfolk think has a lovely time and little to do except to watch the wool grow, etc.; but, in truth, Sir, the maiority 'of the farmers / are the hardest workers of all, for there is no labourer .(unless a contract labourer) who ever works half as hard as the small farmer. . Then, take your business man. Because he works with his coat on the labourer runs away with tho idea that he,' too, is. not an essential wotker; but he, too, is one of the working bees of the hive. It is the drones that- must be eliminated, and the working bees of the hive kept up to their full strength. If wo shorten the hours of labour we must increase the number of workers, or else ere long we shall go short of food, for to_ dream' of getting (Oiorler hours and still shorter hours without doing anything to increase the output is little short of madness. If the workers, one and all, will but ■ think for themselves they will at once realise that the time for strikes, and still more strikes, must soon be a thing of the past, and that tliere ;ire new methods which they can adopt that will meet their case iii a far better manner than ever strikes can do; and I ask all and sundry to strike out tho Gennan method of Government, and let this little Dominion lead the world by electing a common-sense body of men that have the interests of tho country and people at • heart, regardless of party, and who will run the country as an independent business is rim. and not as at present run, which is Capital versus Labour. . So long as the public tolerate this rotten method of government, so long will wo have Labour and Capital at one another's throats. Now, thinking you for your valuable space, and trusting the public will awaken in time to avert the serious trouble that is loouiiug up before them,—l am, etc., P. J. RYDER.

Pahiko, May 24, 1919.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19190527.2.67

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 207, 27 May 1919, Page 6

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,380

THE DANGER OF LABOUR Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 207, 27 May 1919, Page 6

THE DANGER OF LABOUR Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 207, 27 May 1919, Page 6

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