AMAZING STORY OF RASPUTIN.

Press, Volume LIV, Issue 16146, 26 February 1918, Page 8

AMAZING STORY OF RASPUTIN.

THE "BLACK HOXK OF RUSSIA." '(BY THE COUNTESS 11ADZIWILL.) New Zealand Rights Specially Secured by "The Press." CHAPTER VI. (continued). RASPUTIN'S AMBITIONS. When the Grand Duke had been appointed Viceroy of the Caucasus, and had left for his new residence, Hasputin breathed freelj' once more. For one thing, this incident had given him a greater confidence in his own strength than he had even possessed before. Now fe at he had been able to Temove th"* Commander-in-Chief of the Russian armies from his post, it seemed to him that it would be a relatively easy, thing to push forward, and to appoint to the most important functions in the State people indoctrinated with his view and ready to help him in keeping undisturbed and unchallenged tho position into which he had glided so naturally., and as now appeared to him, so simply a position which he was absolutely determined not to lose. With a Prime Minister at his command, he would become tho real master of Russia, and tho Czar himself would T>e compelled to take him into account, a thing which up to then he had refused to do, much to the distress of the "Prophet." Though he repeated everywhere, and to whoever wished to listen to him, that ho could do all he liked at Tzarskoie Sclo, he knew very well in his inmost heart that such was not the case, and that in the Imperial Palace Rasputin was nothing but Rasputin, an ignorant peasant, endowed sometimes with gifts of second sight and always -with religious fervour, but a peasant all the same, with whom one might pray, but whom one would never dream of appointing to any responsible

position The knowledge that such was the case, and "that his so-called influence existed mostly in the imagination of the people who spoke rbout it, worried Rasputin. Though he dictated to Ministers liis will, though he decided togethor with them moro than one important matter, yet he felt there waß a flaw i Q the edifice of his fortune, and that this flaw consisted in tho fact that tho sovereign did not share the feeling of reverence with which the Russian nation, as tho "Prophet" flattered himself was tho case, experienced for his person and for his teachings. This was what tormented him, and he spent tho wholo time thinking how it might become possible to put' in the place of Goremylcine another Prime Minister more Tcady to enter into his views, and to follow his advice in regard to matters of state. This the then President of the Council, in spite of his deference fcr Rasputin, had refused to do, preferring to discuss the affairs of the Government alone with the Emperor, without any interference. ltasputin spoke of his wishes to some of his confidants, and even mentioned the subjcct to sevoral of the high-born ladies who formed the best bulk of his "clientele." These entered' into his views with alacrity, the more so as ho developed them iu a pathetic tone, which appealed to their feelings of "patriotism." They would have given much to .be able to help him, but they did not very well know how this was to bo done. This was duo to the sad fact that they had no ono under their hand. The unexpected and sudden death of Count Witt©, which had occurred in the meanwhile, removed tho only person whom they could_ suggest as a candidate for the functions of Primo Minister. All those whose names might have been mentioned as fit individuals for the post, such as Kriwoschcine, for instance, were people who would, with a greater energy even than Goremykine had ever displayed, oppose any interference of Rasputin with the conduct of the Government. Their perplexity might have lasted a long time if Providence, in the shape of Manussewitsch Maniuloff, had not suggested the advisability of entering into negotiations with Stunner.

CHAPTER VEL STURMER NOT ENTIRELY SATISFACTORY.

Sturmer was not a novice in politics. He was. known to be a reactionary of the moat extreme type. It is likely that even Rasputin's friends would never have given a thought to the possibility of his becoming Prime Minister if Count Witte had still been in the land of the living. With the letter's death the sort of coalition or secret society that had hoped through the occult influence of the "Prophet" to rise to power had lost its best head. There was not one to take his place, officially, at least, because with the best will in the world it was impossible to suggest as a candidate for a Ministerial portfolio Manussetvitsch Maniuloff. The past record of this man did not permit him to play any role but that of the Pere Joseph of a Minister who was not a Richelieu. And though the secret position of principal adviser to a personage of the importance of Rasputin had its advantages, it, nevertheless, precluded the possibility of becoming a candidate for the place of a statesman. The next best 'thing, therefore, was to find someone who would be willing to become consciously what th© "Prophet" was unconsciously, the instrument of the vile crew whose ambition was to make money by all means out of the 'terrible situation into which the country was plunged. These unscrupulous people all felt that they would never again in the whole course of their lives have another such opportunity of becoming rich beyond the dreams of avarice, and they were not the kind of peoplo to allow it to escape them. Every effort was therefore put forward to bring Sturmer to the notice of the Emperor, and to the attention of all those capable of suggesting to the latter the cboico of this functionary to replace Goremykine, who had openly declared that he could not any longer go on fighting against the subterranean forces which were slowly but surely working against him, and making liis position more unbearable every day. The candidate who would have been the most welcome to public opinion was Kriwoscheine, but he was the last man whom Rasputin's friends would have cared to put forward. On the other hand, Sturmer, for per(Copyright, 3517, by the Public 1/edger Company, U.S.A.) (Australasian ; Copyright by the Sunday Timee Newspaper Co., Ltd., Sydney.)

=onal reasons into which it is useless to cater here, when approached by Manussewitsch Maniuloff, had not hesitated a single moment in promising ;o endorse the purposes of the small group of persons v,*ho had made tip their minds to become the real rulers of the State. As soon as he had declared liis willingness to join witn tnem in tiio future, an energetic campaign was started in his favour, not in the Press, nor in the Duma, nor even among the public, but in the immediate vicinity of the Sovereign, a campaign in which some of the highest authorites in the Greek Chinch were enrolled, and in which the Empress herself was persuaded by some of her personal friends to take part. Tho expected then occurred. The Czar was finally persuaded that in Sturmer ho would find a faithful servant, which in a certain sense he did. and also a Minister determined to govern according to tho old principles of autocracy with an utter disregard for the Liberal Parties, as well as for the Duma. The Duma had not spared tho Government during the whole summer, and its activity had been viewed with dismay by ccrtain members. Yet the country was glad to find that at last there existed among its representatives men courageous enough to say what they thought, and to trv to save Russia from the abyss into which it was felt that she was falling through th<> influence not so much of" 3 Rasputin himself as of those who surrounded him, and who used him for their own ends. APPOINTMENT OF STURMER. This campaign succeeded, Sturmer was appointed. His selection caused ail outcry of indigation throughout the whole country, and distressed its best friends for more than one reason. But even among the functionaries of the Ministry, which had to accept him as its chief, there were found some rebellious spirits, among whom was the then Minister of the Interior, Chwostoff, who made up their minds that it was at last high time to get rid of Rasputin in some manner or other. He was also a reactionary, like Sturmer, and even a furious one. When he was still a deputy in the Duma ho had been ono ot the leaders of the faction of the right, and licfore that time had made for himself tho reputation of being an ultra-conserva-tive in all tho different administrative posts which he had occupied. Among others, lie had been Governor at Nijny Novgorod for a short period. He belonged to the number of persons who held tho opinion that Rasputin ought to bo removed. But whether he was really a party to the extraordinary story I am going to relate is a matter about which. I shall abstain .from expressing an opinion. The fact is that about the beginning of the year 191(5 pcoplo were startled by hearing of a new conspiracy against Rasputin, in which it was rumoured that the Minister of the Interior himself was a party. Things stood thus: A secret agent of the Russian police called Rgewsky. a man about as unscrupulous as Manugsewitseh Maniuloff but not so clever, who had already figured more than once in occasions when the need for a provocative agenc had been felt, arrived in 'Christiauia, in Norway, where the unfrocked monk llliodoro was living, and sought him out. His journey had been undertaken without the knowledge of the chief of the secret policc Bieletsky, buo on the express orders of Chwostoff, the Minister of tho Interior. Bieletsky, however, had suspected that some underhand game was going on, and had caused Rgewsky to bo watchod. When the latter had crossed the frontier at Tomao he had bsen thoroughly •searched and examined hy f=pscial orders received from Potrograd, without, however. anything suspicious being found on liim. When ho was questioned as to tho reasons for liis journey abroad, ho had, in order to be allowed to proceed, to own that it was undertaken by command of the Minister of the Interior.

(To be continued to-morrow.)