In America To-Day
By Sir Joslah Stamp In London Time*
MY RECENT TOUR In the United States was all east of the Mississippi basin, and not so extensive as the one before, but I cover-id some 6000 miles by rail and visited a dozen large cities and towns, mixing with most classes of the community, so that I was able to make broad comparisons with conditions and opinions of two years ago. In New York generally the first subject’ arising In discussion is the Supreme Court issue. In Detroit Ihe uppermost question is the proper attitude to be taken towards the existing Labour claims fnr “ recognition.” In Chicago the first question to be asked was always, “ What Is going to happen about ail this gold? Ought we to reduce the price, and if so. what will he the significance?” In Washington most interest was taken In the prospects of the Offer of Commercial Treaties now before the world. Everywhere, but especially in Michigan, information is eagerly sought as to British experience on the Labour question. The growth of respected and statesmanlike trade union leadership here, held largely responsible for keeping discipline within its own ranks in relation to Its agreements, was universally commented upon In order to raise the question whether the material exists for such leadership In the States without several generations of education and experience, and whether there is the spirit among the rank and file to play their part. The general opinion was that the conciliatory and negotiating attitude of mind, as distinct from an immediate appeal to force, is not so easy to attain, that the type of leaders does not yet exist, and that Ihe very polyglot character of the working population makes it difficult to get the same ideas of discipline. On the “ gold question.” although interest is so wide and active, there are very few constructive Ideas. Generally the feeling is against altering the buying price of gold, at any rate at present. In the hope that something may happen to reverse the “Inflow” The prospects of greater freedom of trade are not much discussed outside Washington, but there, from the fervent spirit of Mr Cordell Hull downwards, the highest hopes are set upon them. The commercial proposals are seen In direct relation to the risk of war. to an extent which is not appreciated at all In this country. No Peace Is Possible In Europe without trade appeasement. anl. although It Is realised that there may bo immense domestic political objections to the United States’ proposals, there is an idea carried for a large and comprehensive gesture than for small concessions, because Humoral appeal of world leadership by the United Stales will cover the smaller political tariff issues. Appreciation is shown of the extreme difficulty of the British position in reconciling with this movement a significant amount <>f Imperial preference. There Is no desire t » whittle preference down to the point wheie it ceases to be of Importance, for one notices
Observations on a 6000-mile Tour
the unity of the British Empire as a stabilising influence in the world. All the same, the fear that the success of the great new liberalising movement may be “jeopardised " more pungent terms are generally used—by a few raisins and apples.” that is'by smaller detailed Dominion interest*, is very widespread. I cannot urge too strongly the disappointment that will be felt in Washington If this gesture comes to nothing. In their judgment it will set back the possibility of a similar opportunity for many year*, put them in an Awkward Political Position for what they think their critics will call quixotic generosity, and bring nearer the new war. There is more talk In America in a ,week about the certainty of war in Europe and speculation on the exact day and place when and where It will break out. than in this country in 12 months. Debates about the wisdom of the fiscal policy in the taxation of capital gams, and the special taxation of undistributed reserve*, are everywhere vigorous, but mauy suspect that the recent drive on tax evaders or avolders is a political device to divert attention. But then the business world. In its anti-Roosevelt cpmplex, sees a thief in every bush. The improvement in general business Is fairly clear, despite a recent lull. Fewer beggars are to be seen, and even the hitenhlkers beckoning from the roadside for a lift seem mainly to be sporting or necessitous students getting home for the vacation by the cheapest route. The agricultural areas are much mors contented, and there is less internal strain between the interests of the various States. Abuses of the unemployment dole have passed from thf indignation stage Into the commonplace Jokes of the stage. The major cloud across business is the unknown upshot of the labour policy and the feeling thal Washington is not in full sympathy with the business. In these days of a controlled Press In the dictator countries we are accustomed to regard the Press of America as “ free ” In the widest sense. I could not help feeling, however. that the facility with which a background can be created, as for the recent British constitutional “ crisis,’’ quite different from that which we regard as accurale —a background to which the day-to-d3y events are then fitted, so t it the pnhtie mind Is insensibly forced into a particular mould—may also be a negation of liberty of opinion. 1 found that the reports of rereat episodes in connection with the Koval House - ■ an appearance Most Strange to British Eyes. When you have once decided that there te p.-wii..n .ii. d i vendetta it is amazing how l!ic most innocent events can he built into ll,is ••unlexl. and can create a public opinion in a political sense. America, despite w niton prodigality and excess, continues to impress with its Immense resources and Its resilience, and conveys in every context a feeling of s;gmfloaal
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Waikato Times, Volume 121, Issue 20284, 28 August 1937, Page 15 (Supplement)
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991In America To-Day Waikato Times, Volume 121, Issue 20284, 28 August 1937, Page 15 (Supplement)
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