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OCCASIONAL NOTES.

Premier Shields, of Victoria, has expressed himself " strongly in favour of the one-man-one-vote principle, but will not press the matter for thiv:: years, as Parliament has now before it the important work of restoring confidence !" There is incongruity, strongly marked, here. Mr Shields' comtnon-scnso is antagonistic to his sentiments ; for whilst the latter would lead liini to extend the franchise, his reason and better judgment show him that such an extension would have an opposite to a reassuring effect, and would tend to retard, rather than promote, " the important work of restoring confidence." Hence ho has postponed the evil day for three years. Should his efforts to restore confidence prove successful, then, wo may imply, he intends to again destroy it by the introduction of the one-man-one-vote principle—like unto a youngster who builds card houses merely for the purpose of knocking them down again.

" Distance," it has been said, " lends enchantment to the view," and during the next three years Victorian pro-perty-owners had better get what enchantment they can out of the contemplated measure. If the Victorian franchise is to be cast on similar lines to that cf Noiv Zealand (by which representation is given to all men, uuaccoinpanied by "equal sacrifice" in taxation), we may safely predict the measure will possess no enchantment for them when it becomes law. The fascination they arc likely to derive from the anticipation of the proposed reform ii similar to that which the rattlesnake exerts over its intended victims I efore despatching them. The charm is not complete, however, for I notice the fanners are already beginning to squirm. For some unaccountable reason they do not regard with rapture the felicity of being bled and skinned at the direction of the Trades and Labour Councils, and in self defence are banding themselves together to resist the extension of the franchise.

Before going further I niaj r say that, under certain conditions, I am in favour of tho one-iuan-ono-vote principle ; but as wo have it embodied in tho New Zealand franchise, it is altogether a most pernicious and inequitable measure. If Parliament dealt merely with the lives and liberties of the people r.othing could be tirged against the principle that all men—and women, too, for the matter of that —should have equal voting power. Remembering, however, that the taxing power of the people, for general revenue purposes, is vested in the House of Representatives, we can come to no other conclusion than that unless the electors contribute to the revenue in equal proportion to their means the principle is rotten fit the core, and is not even theoretically sound. It places those liable to direct taxation entirely in the hands of those exempt therefrom, at tho same time giving the latter by reason of their numbers (and this is the culminating injustice of our New Zealand franchise). a greater voice in the expenditure of the money so raised. The big bugs are thus placed entirely at the mercy of the little bugs!

On first thoughts, and were we to judge by its unfairness and partiality, we would be likely to credit the passing of the measure to a "Liberal" Government, of a similar stamp to that with which we are at present blessed. In that we should be doing them an injustice. Our benedictions or our maledictions (as depends 011 our political "colour") for the granting - of this great privilege must be given to the Atkinson Ministry—the representatives of the Tory (?) party, as it is described by the "Liberals " (?) of to-day.

In New Zealand representation is given without taxation (that is, apart from the Customs House), and the only electoral qualification required is that the voter should have attained what is generally regarded (erroneously, I think) as "the age of discretion " — twenty-one years —and should have resided i'i the colony for twelve months. As much voting power is thus placed in the hands of the town larrikin as is possessed by the most enlightened and wisest of our colonisls, Under such n system as ours, the sappy and politically-igno-raut lad of twenly-one, the hoodlum, and the loafer can " cast the vote that shakes the turrets of the laud," totally irrespective of any direct evil consequences to themselves. A deficit in the Colonial Treasury cannot aft'ect them—in fact, they will take all .sorts of good care tha*" it does not. With those liable to direct taxation, however, the case is different. Being in the minority, it is quite possible I'or the non-taxpayers to put the whole burden of taxation upon them—-(this we all know is the ultimate object of the land-taxers) —and any deficiency in the revenue can, of course, be made up by the non-taxpayer giving another turn to the direct-taxation

screw, and {ialtening onf tiic p;>or beggars of taxp.iynrs. air-'iinst wlidmi they scorn to have taken a, itsunrcnsoimble anil s;>if''tal i;ri:d<T<' a grudge generated and fed in a gnu! measure by envy.

Jnlin Stuart IMill propo-:e 1 tint intelligence should bo made the qualification necessary for a. man to exercise the privilege of the franchise ; but whilst this would bo a much preferable principle t.i inanhoid suffrage as we have it, it. would be unworkable, and ninny of us would, I am afraid, be disfranchised altogether. Others, again, have proposed wealth as the only qualification, lhif this would be worse than all it would never do to thus elevate Mammon and the breeches' pockei above tho intellect, and quite as many of ns would be disfranchised through Lick of wealth as would be the ease were brains made the necessary qualification for electors.

Representation should go hnnd-iii-linnd with taxation, and taxation is the only sound basis for representation. With the incidence of taxation so fixed that there is equal sacrifice made by the electors, no valid objection could be brought against tho one-man-one vote principle, as

under tho present unfair incidence " ■vjre can be 110 sound argument urged against tho dual vote, lvepro sentation should bo given equally to those who pay taxes, and this taxatiou should in all cases bear an equal proportion to income -the man whose income is £1000 a-yeur should contribute twenty times us much as the man whose annual income is only £50 —no more; and there should be no exemptions. As it is, taxation is now drawn from income (or profits), for if such were not the. case it must be derived from capital, and this we know could not be done without serious consequences. In calculating tho amount to be levied iti direct taxation, the lowest annual income—say, £50—should be taken, and no more deducted therefrom than it could stand without hardship to the taxpayer, and then an equally proportionate amount deducted from all incomes above that sum.

Thero may be difficulties hi the way of such a system of taxation; but I fail to see that they would be insurmountable. Were the Customs House abolished, and the whole of the revenue required raised in direct taxa tion by an income tax, without exemptions, I certainly believe the •working-man would be benefitted. The relief afforded him—and especially where he is a married man with other mouths than his own to feed by the abolition of the Customs Department, with its irregular and anomalous taxation, would render it easy for him to meet hi 3 direct tax. The drunkard and the loafer would, of course, be hard to get at under such a system, but unless they paid the tax thoy should be mudo to contribute double the value in labour on public •wcrks, thus combining salutary_ reformatory work with the patriotic and pleasing duty of tax-paying.

All men thus contributing directly and equally to tho revenue, the steadying effect of such a system upon legislation would soon be apparent, and it could not foil to have a beneficial result in purifying tho pqlitical atmosphere. Voters could then be depended upon to exercise due caution and prudence in casting their votes, and the result would be that the most sagacious men would be returned as representatives, A closer and more jealous watch would be kept upon the colonial inouny-bags, and tho doom of tho professional politician would, in consequence, bo scaled.

In a recent number of the War Cry. in which an account of tha opening of a new " fortress" inDunedin is given, are several illustrations representing the past, present, and future quarters of the Dunedin branch of the Salvation Army. With regard to the past and present I have nothing to say, but the picture representing tho future home of the Army is not satisfactory, and is apt to convey quite a different impression to that intended, for were it not for the words "Marching up the Golden Street" below the illustration, one would be led to imagine that the Army had brought up in that other country where (if we believe the teachings of mo lieval theologians) the inauguration of an efficient fire brigade would supply a long and muchfelt want. Two columns of smoke represented as ascending from behind •what appears to be a low striirease, the inky blackness and gloom of the surrounding country, and the anguish depicted oil tho countenances of the inhabitants (reminding one of the agonised features of Laocoon and his sons, as depicted in the celebrated group of statuary representing them in their death struggles with the water serpents) give weight to this impression.

The anguish of the celestials maf. however, arise from tho invasion of their territory by tho Army, for, if we may take the picture as representing tho present intentions of the S.A. soldiers, they purpose to adhere to their terrestrial music in the celestial clime. In " Marching up the Golden Street" they are headed by a brass hand, and tliis may, perhaps, account for the dismay of the celestials. Several of the latter have already taken wing and are leaving the vicinity, and it is particularly noticeable that those possessed of wings are preparing to follow their example. By those of us who hope some day to satisfy St. Peter with our credentials, but who cannot appreciate tympanic music as so vigorously performed by Salvation Army drummers, the fact that an accident has happened to the hi" drum —the drummer having apparently knocked a hole in it—will be viewed with feelings untinged with regret. Fusee.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/WT18920405.2.25

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Waikato Times, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 3077, 5 April 1892, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,722

OCCASIONAL NOTES. Waikato Times, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 3077, 5 April 1892, Page 2

OCCASIONAL NOTES. Waikato Times, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 3077, 5 April 1892, Page 2

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