MR KYNNERSLEY AT WESTPORT.

Westport Times, Volume IV, Issue 680, 5 July 1870, Page 2

MR KYNNERSLEY AT WESTPORT.

The sole candidate for election, as representative of Westland North, addressed the electors at Sheahan's Nelson Hotel, Westport, on Friday evening.

Mr Pitt, having been voted to the chair, stated the pleasure it afforded him to preside at the meeting, not only on account of the high estimation in which he held Mr Kynnersley in his private capacity, but in consequence of a confident belief that Mr Kynnersley would very ably and conscientiously fulfil the duties of their representative. It was very truo tho present was the last session of Parliament, and that it would also be a very short one, and having already commenced, but little time-or opportunity would offer to any person, elected as their representative, to effect a great deal, but he was quite sure that Mr Kynnersley, if elected, would be able to assist very materially in expediting measures calculated to have a very important and beneficial effect upon the mining industry. He need hardly in conclusion request for Mr Kynnersley a patient and impartial hearing; that gentleman had always been received with respect and listened to with attention on every part of the Coast on which, he had had occasion at various times to address sections of the population, aud he felfc satisfied that on the present occasion he would experience similar treatment. The subjects were numerous and im. portant which Mr Kynnersley would have to refer to, and he would therefore at once introduce that gentleman to the auditory. Mr Kynnersley, who was received with loud and prolonged applause, said :

About three months ago he had had occasion to meet them and experienced a most hospitable reception. His position was now very different; he was then a member of the Provincial Government and an officer of the Government, and being so circumstanced, wa3 debarred from expressing himself fully upon Provincial matters, and indeed, so long as he had been connected officially with the Nelson Province, he had carefully abstained from mixing himself up with politics. He was now, however, at liberty to express himself freely and fully upon these subjects, and indeed, unless he could do so, he would have no right to appear before them in the position of a candidate. It had been stated, and he believed the statement was very likely to turn out correct—that his candidature would be unopposed. On that point he might state that the Assembly having met already nearly three weeks, that if there were opposition and a poll, it would entail a delay of fully three weeks before the member would be able to take his seat. He thought it would be scarcely worth anybody's while to contest the seat under the circumstances, as he would, if opposed, only reach Wellington in time to meet members dispersing to their respective homes. Although likely to have a walk over, he conceived it t-j be no less the duty of any candidate to meet the electors aud explain fully his views, and at the same time to elicit from them an expression of opinion upon the various subjects affecting their interests. On the present occasion it was his intention to confine himself as much as possible to Colonial subjects—to matters of national importance—and if he were fortunate enough to express views which met with their approval, he trusted they would signify the same, and also acquaint him with their disapproval in any matters upon which

they might differ from him. In his published address he had expressed a disposition to support the present Government, unless he became convinced that the well-being of the Colony required that tho present Ministers should give place to others. He was induced chiefly to support the Government in consequence of their successful Native policy. They did not hear much about the Native Question in this portion of the Colony, and h<j did not think the miners, as a body, took much interest in it. They, nevertheless, had to pay their portion of its cost, and it was undoubtedly the most vital question at present affecting the Colony. The present Ministry had succeeded, no matter how, in reducing the North Island to a state of tranquillity. He believed himself that result had been due to the personal influence of some of the members of the Ministry, and more especially to Mr Donald M'Lean, the Nitive Minister. With the Maoris, no doubt, as with any other savage race, more was to be gained in this way than with hostilities, unless conducted by an overwhelming force, and he believed more good had been effected in this manner, than could have been accomplished with the aid of ten regiments of troops. On reading, however, the Financial Statement, he must confess he was not so well disposed towards the present Ministry. Taking the statement as a whole, he did not approve of it. In his address he had stated that he should view with disapprobation any measures tending to alienate the Colony from the Mother Country. He believed much bad feeling had been engendered by captious ministers, and one of Earl Granville's recent despatches he looked upon as in the last degree insulting to this Colony. When in England, he took part with other Colonists and parties interested in fhe Colonies, in laying before the people of England the true condition of New Zealand, and, from what he then gathered, he had no hesitation in stating that the despatches, issued from the Colonial Office, did not represent the wishes or feeling of the great body of the British people. He had taken part with other colonists in their , meetings and subsequently they had held the Cannon street meetings, and they had been told by the Press that they were making themselves very ridiculous. He believed such was really the case to a certain extent, but he did not care for that. They thought it right to lay before the public of England the circumstances of the case, and to show that New Zealand had not been equitably trontctl. During tho past fbvv months, as his auditory there had been a complete revulsion of feeling. Instead of asking of what advantage was the connection of the Mother Country with the Colonies, the British people were most anxious to preserve the integrity of the empire, and Lord Granville had so far altered his views as to declare that England was prepared to defend her colonies with her last ship, last man, and last shilling. The gratifying information recently received with respect to the million loan, guaranteed by the Imperial Government, proved that New Zealand matters were to be received more favorably, and also showed that so far as New Zealand was concerned it was most desirable to preserve existing relations. (Hear, hear.) The necessity, however, none the less existed for the Colony to prepare for such a contingency as separation from the empire. With respect to the withdrawal of the troops, he quite agreed with the opinion expressed by Lord Granville that it was impossible that Imperial troops should be employed in New Zealand, and their operations solely controlled by the Colonial Government. It was equally certain that the Colony was not in a position to bear the expense of retaining a large Imperial force under costly Imperial direction. He thought that by consolidating the resources and revenues of the Colony, and forming one strong, central, and national form of Government, New Zealand would become fully able to deal permanently and successfully with tho Native Question. (Hear, hear) He should much wish to see the petty local jealousies that existed between the various ports give way to something better. They had no centre, no stand-point, no nationality, and he should be strongly opposed to anything calculated to perpetuate the existing evils of Provincial administration, or to increase the evil of splitting up the Colony into more numerous divisions, and at the same time extending Provincial institutions. The system of Provinces had been very useful at the first settlement of New Zealand. There were then no roads communicating with the different ports, no steamers, and no telegraphs. By means of the two latter, communication had become easy, and the Provinces, once useful, having fulfilled their end, the time had, he thought, arrived that they should give place, under a strong Central Government, to a true system of local self-government. With the exception of a few favored localities, there existed no such form of government in New Zealand. In reapect to this Province, it existed only in the immediate neighborhood of Blind Bay, and so far as this and other portions of the Province were concerned, there existed not the slightest reason why they should not be just as easily, and, at least as efficiently, governed from Wellington as from Blind Bay. The five districts of which this Province was ' composed, namely, Blind Bay, Collingwood, Buller, Grey, and Amuri',

were practically as far removed from each other as if forming portion of separate Provinces. There was no identity of interest, there were no roads to speak of; there were steamers and telegraphs, and these could be just as well be taken advantage of, if their connection was with Wellington in place of Nelson. But these were but negative assertions. The Provinces did not provide that which a Central Government would introduce, namely, a true system of local-self government. He believed the only thing that prevented these Goldfields separating from Nelson, as Westland did from Canterbury, was the politic management of affairs by the then Superintendent of Nelson, Mr Saunders. That gentleman was far-sighted enough to perceive that to administer the West Coast from Nelson could not satisfy requirements, and ho instituted a form of local government, which, at least contrasted very favorably with the mode in which things were administered in Westland. Mr Saunders was succeeded by Mr Curtis, and the different light in which the latter gentleman viewed West Coast matters almost immediately gave rise to a dissatisfaction which had been ever since steadily increasing. He was rather surprised at the tone of the Grey Siver Argus, that it should charge him with turning round upon Mr Curtis. He still valued that gentleman highly in his private capacity, but it was competent for him also to differ from his views with respect to the management of certain portions of the Province without being deemed guilty of ingratitude. Although Mr Curtis had been elected by the East Coast, and the candidates whom it was sought by the goldiields to return, were defeated, he considered they had reason to be glad of the result, as to have placed either of his opponents in the position of Superintendent would have been simply a farce. He did think it monstrous that the chief officer of the Province should be elected by the settled districts, which contributed little more than one fourth of the revenue, while the miners should have no vote by virtue of their miner's rights. He thought they would agree with him that the management of the goldfields exhibited a want of vigor, foresight, energy, and forethought. Tins must be the case so long as their affairs were administered in Nelson. He blamed the system rather than those in office. Instead of leading the people and aiding in the developmentof the resources of the country and its colonisation, the Government were dragging like a dead weight far behind. Tbe actions of the Provincial Council he should not criticise. He was too disgusted with the entire subject, (at this point some interruption occurred in consequence of a question which was unintelligible ) He had failed to catch the question, but should be glad to answer it; he believed it was to the effect, that lie had some private grievance of his own in connection with the Council. He must state that he had no personal interest. He had been led to believe that he should take some active part in the management of the goldfields.—(Hear, hear.) He had not made up his mind, as he had informed them when previously at Westport, whether he would undertake the office. He saw that radical reforms were required and a complete reorganisation. Seeing that, he made up his mind not to take the management of the goldfields, if he were to be trammelled by the members of the Executive. He desired to be invented with very considerable powers, which he thought necessary, in order to fill the office with advantage and satisfaction to himself and the country. That was his opinion. He did not expect it to go for a great deal, he laid no claim to infallibility, but it was the only terms upon which he would consent to undertake the responsibility of goldfields management, namely, that, subject to the Superintendent, he should have entire control over every officer of the Provincial Government on the goldfields.—(Hear, hear.) He made that proposal to the Council, and they, in a very straightforward and business-like manner, gave him an answer, declining the offer, and there was an end of it. He certainly did entertain a very strong feeling against the majority of the Council, the Superintendent and the Executive about one or two matters he had been watching in Nelson during the past two months. The subject that had so particularly awakened his indignation was the treatment of Mr Harris, the Provincial Sub-treasurer. Upon Mr Harris had devolved all the hard work for four years and a half. He had sat up, to his knowledge, night after night regulating the account of these goldfields, and this officer, after lengthened and valuable services, had been removed and turned out, to make way for a farmer at Waimea, a Mr Shephara at a larger salary.—(Shame.) It was a gross piece of trickery and political jobbery aud nothing else. His (Mr Kynnersley's) name had been dragged in with Mr Franklyn's resignation and a number of paragraphs had appeared in various papers modifying and excusing his complicity with Mr Franklyn._ He regarded them as very equivocal compliments He must remind them that they only heard partial statements of what transpired in the Provincial Council, they only got one side of the question ; the Nelson Examiner was Mr Curlis's organ, the Colonist was favorable to the Executive and the Westporl Times was contributed to by a member of the Executive. He was not here, however, to defend Franklyn and he would only add that

the way in which he acted in connection with his resignation, he should repeat to-morrow. The Nelson correspondent of the Westport Times under 'date May 17, writes :—" About the censure on Mr Kynnersley 1 am not so sure, for I hardly think he was a member of the Executive at the inomont of Franklyn's resignation. However be cannot be acquitted of being party to a nice little political move in favor of the Curtis Government, and in which Franklyn was the principal puppet. You will remember the demonstration in favor of Mr, Kynnersley got up by Franklyn, and at which Mr O'Conor and others now see that they were most completely " had." You will remember Franklyn's preceeding Mr Kynnersley to the Grey, and so on. These incidents now seem to hang together, and alihough nothing can be said to derogate from the spontaneity of the welcome given to Mr Kynnersley, there can be no doubt the most of it was being made for the Government for political gain."' He bolieved the writer referred to when he was welcomed by a number of residents of Westport, on the occasion of his return from England. All he could say was, that if that welcome were fictitious and not prompted by good feeling, none had been more completely " had " than himself. He believed far otherwi<e, and accepted their hospitality as a token of kind aud generous regard which he believed it was intended to convey.—(Hear, hear.) The circumstances attending Mr Franklyn's resignation he should desire to place fairly before them. (A voice; we have had enough of him.) He could guarantee this fact that the Superintendent, when he received Mr Franklyn's resignation, believed him to be a violent political opponent. He could testify to that. Franklyn had been misled by what the Provincial Secretary had said, when in Westport, with respect to a seat in the Council being required for a member of the Executive, and tendered his resignation. The Superintendent, believing Franklyn violently opposed to him, acted, he contanded, as any honorable, right-minded man would act in such a case—he gave Franklyn an opportunity of withdrawing the resignation—and he did so. Franklyn went to Nelson and, after having abused the administration of the Province, voted for the Executive, Franklyn bad informed him that he went up to Nelson fully determined to oppose the Government, but on learning that he (Mr Kynnersley) had a seat in the Executive and was to have the management of the Goldflolde, ko then stated that, if that was the intention of the Government, he had every confidence that the Goldfields would be properly managed, and so long as he (Mr Kynnersley) was a member of the Executive, with control over Goldfields matters, he should support the Government. He believed that Franklyn's speech, if made at a public meeting at Nelson, would have been applauded—(A Voict>: We don't like Franklyn.)—and he also believed that the reference to the loaves and fishes, and to members wanting the country for themselves, hau been borne out by subsequent facts, aud that such speech would, at the present time, be loudly applauded. The Provincial Council had introduced an entirely new form of Government on a system of semiresponsibility. The Council could turn out a minority only, and the entire change was simply ridiculous. He blamed the Superintendent for having consented to such a form of Government. He had no right whatever to abdicate his functions, and should rather have dissolved the Council and have appealed to the country. Although fully impressed with the necessity of abolishing Provincial institutions, he was not prepared then to state by what they should be substituted. He was not sufficiently acquainted with all the portions of the Colony to know what would be generally acceptable. He was intimate with the condition of the Provinces of Nelson, Marlborough, and Canterbury, and thought that a modification of the County System, not based on the Westland model, would be suited to their requirements. He thought they might very well take warning by Westland, and give the people a simple and uncomplicated machinery of Government. He should desire to give the people most complete local self-government, and, consulting physical boundaries and identity of interests, would divide the country into counties, with Road Board Districts and Municipalities. Taking for instance, the three districts of Buller, Grey, and Hokitika as having an identity of interests, he should propose that the Chairmen of Road Boards and Mayors of Municipalities should meet twice a year, and share the revenue allotted them by the Central Government. He would vive them no legislative functions, in that respect the Provincial Councils had had too much power, and it was felt that the task of legislation should be entirely undertaken by the General Government. Looking at the Education question, it must be admitted that a national system would be far preferable to the disjointed systems now in ' force by the different Provinces. The same remarks applied to the Goldfields staff. There was no doubt that a General Government staff for the Goldfields would effect an immense saving, aud would secure the services of more experienced officers, as the same officers could be moved about to the various fields where their services were required. The Goldfields police

ought also, ho considered, to be under tlie General Government. Such a change would be much fairer and more advantageous to the members of the force, and would also result in the force being rendered generally more effective. So long as the Goldfielda police were under the control of the various Provincial Governments the service would be without stability; they would find men who, after long service in Victoria had gained a position in the force, joining again as they did at the opening of the Goldfielda in Otago ; after serving there several years, and rising in the force, Canterbury or what is at present Westland, became a large centre of poplation. The force in Otago was decreased, and many of its members commenced anew in Canterbury at the foot of the ladder. The same thing was repeated in Nelson, and again in Auckland. The force being transferred to the management of a Central Government would do away with the injustice of men having, after years of tried service, to commence the struggle of life anew. The true interest of the people rendered it imperative that some complete system of local self-government should be substituted for Provincialism ; the sooner the better for the Colony ; the very Government buildings in Nelson —fit emblems of that institution—were perishing with the dry rot. (Hear, hear.) Upon the subject of Free Trade and Protection, his views were not matured. He was quite willing to admit that Free Trade as an abstract proposition wa-* clearly the proper policy ; but as indicated in his address, it was a question with him, whether there might not be a period in the growth of a young nation when it would be desirable to protect the starting of certain industries. It would be presumptuous, he thought, iu them to east protection aside without due consideration, when thirty millions of people in the United States had adopted such a policy. In Victoria also, whose business men were acknowledged to be among the most clever and active in these Colonies, they found a protective policy bad been initiated. Looking at these facts, he repeated it was with him a matter of doubt whether free trade suited every condition of every country. He had arrived at a doubt on the matter, and that was as far as he had got. At the same time he thought it very likely that, by protecting the manufacture of certain articles of which the raw materials were at hand for a limited period, say two or three years, it would be the means of initiating valuable industries. On a limited scale, he thought, protection might be desirable, but he was altogether opposed to a system of protection such as proposed by the Colonial Treasurer. All the articles that were largely consumed by the Goldfields population and the people generally, had had largely increased duties levied upon them, while upon such articles as fencing wire, iron gates, woolpacks, corn sacks, &c, the duty had been altogether remitted. The Stamp Act greatly required to be simplified. It was impossible for par. ties resident in distant portions of the Goldfields, in the Upper Buller for instance, and other places similarly out of the way, to be traversing the country with sheets of impressed paper, so as to meet the requirements of the Stamp Act. If it was found to be absolutely necessary to retain the Stamp Act, he should endeavor to obtain some clause applied to mining property, at least legalising the use of adhesive stamps. He noticed that a member of the Goldfields, a Mr Mervyn, had asked leave to introduce a bill to amend the Goldfields Act. If returned, he should gladly devote himself to the subject; as also, though he feared the session was too far advanced, the question of mining on private property. He should desire to see the law respecting the agricultural and depasturing licenses and leases simplified, as all the various Acts made different provisions, and he was also anxious to deal with the question of mining upon private property. The question was sure to arise at some future date, and he thought it most desirable that the matter should be settled as early as possible, thereby saving much confusion and annoyance. He had stated in his address that he would gladly join the representatives of other goldfields in promoting some general and well-considered scheme for the formation of large water-races. He saw with pleasure that the Colonial Treasurer proposed to set aside a sum of £200,000, to be devoted to these purposes. It would be very necessary in distributing the above sum, to guard against its being disbursed other than in the execution of works likely to prove reproductive. He believed there were many districts which, if supplied constantly with water, would remuneratively employ a considerable population for a series of years. At the present time a race had been surveyed at Napoleon's Hill which was estimated to cost £20,000. He believed the object of such a scheme was a thoroughly legitimate one. If returned to °the Assembly, he should have great pleasure in taking charge of the petition for increased representation. It was proposed that thero should be a readjustment of boundaries and members. There could be no question as to some amendment being required, since the district, which he soiH'ht the honor of representing, was the most extensive and populous in the Colony. Still, Westland North with its 10,000 inhabitants only returned one member, while the remaining portion of the Province, numbering some 13,000 people, returned six

members. It was said that the digger had no permanent stake in the country. So long, however as the principle of representation in proportion to taxation obtained, they were entitled to the fullest measure of representation. If the diggings were worked out, and the population cleared out to Queensland or other places, there could be no objection to the representation being adjusted according to the old scale. There was a second petition also, praying his Excellency to establish Mining Boards and withdraw the delegated powers from the Superintendent. He must confess that he was opposed to the establishing of Mining Boards, although he admitted thatthe laws should be made by the miners themselves who were alone interested in their beneficial working. It would be undesirable that a number of Boards should be continually making, amending and revising. They might meet, and, once and for all, compile as complete a code of rules as possible, but he should not desire to see Boards as a pernanent institution. In place of these he should desire to see a general code of rules to be in force throughout the entire Colony, or there might be three codes—one for Auckland, a second for the West Coast, and a third for Otago. He thought one code might be formed sufficiently elastic to embrace the whole of the Coast, as there existed no very essential difference in the workings of the various districts. He did not doubt that the remarks he was making about Mining Boards failed to meet with their approbation, if so, he trusted they would express the same. However wishful they might be in this quarter to have Boards, he did not believe there existed any such desire in the Grey district possibly on account of a fear that their mining rules would be drawn up at Westport without much regard to their requirements. He had been told it was useless to seek to represent a goldfields' constituency, unless prepared to advocate the abolition of the gold duty and the adoption of one miner's right for the entire Colony. The latter item might, he in the event of the Provinces being done away with, be safely relied upon. The saving, effected by the change of government, would be so considerable that they would, no doubt, be enabled to forego any extra revenue from the miner's right being made available only to a limited portion of the Colony. But he was not prepared to advocate the abolition of the gold duty. —(Mr Whyte : Then place an export duty on wool.) There was no reason that wool should not pay a duty the same as gold, but if they only knew, as he did, the position of the squatters, and the difficulty that 9 out of 10 had in making both ends meet, they would believe that a small impost, such as a farthing per pound would be ruinous, would be in fact the last straw that broke the camel's back. There was an advantage that the export duty on gold had over protective duties, such as existed iu Victoria —as a rule they alone were taxed who were able to afford it—if the deficiency in the revenue were sought to be made up by increased duties upon articles of general consumption, he for one should prefer the gold duty to be continued. It seemed to him to fulfil Adam Smith's fundamental principle that the taxes should be payed by those who were best able to bear the burthen. If a miner was getting gold he would not object to pay duty, but, on the other hand, whether or not getting gold he must live, and consequently in many cases be taxed disproportionately to his ability to pay. He was told in Victoria, that the abolition of gold duty in that colony had resulted in an increased revenue being squeezed out of the miner iu another form. The ballot, another question upon which he entertained no decided opinion, was likely to occupy the House. He considered its adoption was desirable, and if his constituents so wished, he, would vote for it. It was! intended as a safeguard against bribery and intimidation, and, though he did not think they suffered from that in New Zealand, the ballot was a safe measure, and might on the whole be convenient. He had previously expressed his disapproval of the Financial Statement of the Government. He saw that it was proposed to borrow ten millions for public works and immigration; he was decidedly opposed to a million and a half being spent upon immigration. He would ask them what would be done in the course of four or five years, when all the public works were completed, with the hundred thousand people they were going to bring into the Colony. They would have doubled their present national debt and not be able to undertake any further works, and he did not think it likely that a population, who had been engaged in other pursuits, would be found satisfied to all at once settle down and cultivate the soil. He did not approve of the capitation allowance, under it the districts, which contributed proportionately the largest sums to the revenue, would be made to suffer. In conclusion, he would remind them, as he had trespassed very considerably upon their time and patience, that he should again have an opportunity of meeting them the following day, and if they did him the honor to elect him their representative, ho should exert his best abilities in expediting the work of colonisation, and assist in endeavoring to raise New Zealand to the high position among nations which he believed sho was destined to fill.. He should also be mindful of the pledges;

e had made to his constituents, and, Ithough the session was short, he ,-ould endeavour to hasten the adption of such measures as would aeet their requirements. (Applause.) The candidate having expressed his rillingness to answer any questions of i public nature, Messrs Graham and Jraithwaite put several which elicited atisfactory replies, and Mr James Graham moved that Mr [ynnersley is a fit and proper person to represent Westland North in the reneral Assembly.

Mr Braithwaite seconded the notion, which was carried unanimously. Mr Kynnersley briefly returned hanks, and proposed a vote of thanks o the Chair, which terminated the iroceedings.