FOOTBALL.

Wairarapa Daily Times, Volume VIII, Issue 2337, 3 July 1886, Page 2

FOOTBALL.

In view of a team from the Wairarapa Rugby Football Union visiting Wellington at the end of the current month, the Match Committee' havo selected the following Trial Fifteen to go into regular training and practice:—J. Perry, W. Perry, Whatman, Hounslow, Cliff, C. Fairbrother, Ewen, R. Kemble, F Peters. Roydhouao, 0. Board, C, Udy, A. Udy, G. Humphrieß, and Webster. Emergencies—Rutherford, E. Udy, and Holmwood. To practice with this team the following 18 were selected:—Rutherford, E, Udy, Holmwood, Beechy, Kibblewhite Blinkhome, 0. Perry, F. Pelling, J. Beard, F, Tully, J. Terry, 0. Hume, W. Day, Nicholson, J. Moore Dempsey, J. Peters, and Baumber. Emergencies— J. Tocker, Fisher, W. Humphries, Welch and Thomas. The first practice will be held in Carterton on Saturday, 10th July, play to commence at 2.30 sharp, As the 15 selected is merely a trial team those placed with the 18 are also requested to train and practice, and it is hoped they will all turn up to the match on the 11th July. ■ The third match of the Junior Cup will' be played m Masterton on Saturday, 10th July, between the Te Ore Ore Club and the MMfcerljon Jfo. IL-Stendard. -

A NEW ZEALAND VIEW OF IRISH ; ' ' y AF?AIRS;%-:• ':';..■.'

ThoRWH, Yere'White, M.A',, who resigned his position as Incumbent of the, English.: Church at Kaiapoi in, order to accept;, a living in Ireland, sends the. Chrißtchurch Press a letter, which we print below, giving a'viuw of Irish affairs as they present thomseives to hismindi Some of his, conclusions are not likely to meet with universal acceptance, but nevertheless the letter will probably bo read with interest, even by thoso who do not agree with all its statements. Writing from Almoritia Rectory, Mullingar county, Westmeath, under date' April 28th, 1886, the reverend gentleman says;—...

The question of local government excites so much interest in New Zealand, that doubtless you and your fellowcolonists are watching closely the march of events in Irish matters. It has occurred to me that, you might be willing to publish, a letter on the Irish Question from-an ex-colonist, an Irishman, and one who has always been an admirer, and, in a humble way, supporter of Mr Gladstone, but whoi Ike thousands of Liberals and evon Radicals, feels at this crisis obliged to hope, and work for, his defeat.

New Zealand colonists rightly prize their local independence, and they may feel it /hard to understand why a measure which professes to bestow suoh. independence on Ireland is received with opposition by a large class of Irishmen. My. object is briefly to lay before your readers some of the reasons which influence the. conduct of the " loyal minority." It is asked why we oppose Home Rule as sketched by Mr Gladstone ? We oppose it because—

1. It will either lead to separation, or will reduce Ireland to the condition of an Indian protected native State. We, do not, as'men of self-respect, desire the latter; as citizens of the empire we oppose the former. If Mr Gladstone's scheme passes, Irishmen will no longer have open to them (except by expatriating themselves), the brilliant career of statesmanship in which in times past thoy have won great successes, in which, in fact, they were particularly fitted to shine. Thoughwe may not agree with thorn; in all their opinions, we are proud of .such men as Whiteside, Ball. 8. J, Smyth, Edward Gibson,-Seaton, David Plunket, Cairns, Butt, O'Oonnell, and A. M. Sullivan. The part they have taken in Imperial matters has often reflected credit on themselves, and on the nation whose representatives they were. Henceforth this avenue to distinction is to be closed. In place of taking their part in the politics of the Empire, Irishmen arejto be compelled to confine the exercise of their political genius to the affairß of a kind of magnified vestry, which is to be set up in Dublin. What would colonists think if asked to accept a constitution by which they were forbidden to meddle with any land question, with Customs duties, with defence! by which they were even for bidden to equip & volunteer force ? If federation of a genuine kind is ever an accomplished fact in Australasia, would New Zealand accept an arrangement prohibiting your colonists from sending representatives to the Federal Council, but at the same time making that Council, meeting, say, at Melbourne, supreme over your Customs tariffj over your land regulations, over your defence, and by which you would be bound to pay a large annual tribute for federal purposes ? Yet that is the scheme devised by Mr Gladstone for Ireland.

This scheme, so unconstitutional and objectionablo in every way, is accepted by a large number of Irish representatives because they believe that it will be developed into separation. They believe, with good reason, that once a Parliament of any kind is established in Dublin, it will be able to secure any constitution it likes. Meanwhile they watch with quiet amusement the erection of the paper ramparts whose construction has given exercise to Mr Gladstone's fertile inventiveness. But much as we object to the degradation of Ireland by the exclusion of Irish representatives from Parliament, we object equally to the separation from the Empire which Irishmen have helped to build. We don't wish to be aliens in England and in the colonies; we prefor citizenship in the Empire to citizenship in a poverty-strioken Republic—a Republic without a history to which we could look back with pride, and without a future to which we could look forward with hope. 2. If these fatal objections did not hold «ood, we should still oppose the measure, because we distrust those who are to administer it. Who are the men who will, if this Bill becomes law, rule in Ireland? They are those whom Mr Gladstone described some time since as "marching through rapine to the dismemberment of the Empire," as persons "not ashamed to preach the doctrines of public plunder," as " politicians steeped in treason"; they are the men who refused to give a welcome to the Prince of Wales when visiting Ireland a short time ago, who hiss the National Anthem, and regard the Union Jack ut the token 'of an enemy's presence. A few days ago, when defending the proposals of the Government, Lord Spencer was obliged • to admit that these men, to whom he is willing to entrust our welfare, were, "perhaps for financial silent when speech would have been golden," i.e., when by actively exerting themselves they could .have checked crime, they refrainpd from doing bo, lest they should alienate the sympathy and, lose.the subscriptions of their dynamite allies in America. These are the men whose advent to power we must oppose, but it is only fair to add, and I hope this statement will not be misconstrued, that we also dislike the prospect of a great addi* tion to the already powerful political influence of the Roman Catholic priesthood, ' With the bishops and priests of the Roman Catholic Church, their Protestant neighbors have no quarrol, they respect ' them as conscientious men of pure lives. But it is not for the welfare of a country that its government should be much in the hands of ecclesiastics of any denominaations. 1 know that a great many of the lay " Nationalists" hope to shelve the priests once they get Home Rule, and confine them to ecclesiastical business. They will not find this so easy. My own observation, and the experience of many long-headed observent men whom I have consulted, point to the probability of a very different issue from that hoped for by Mr Parnell's immediate following. The Clergy have identified themselves with tho Home Rule movement, and if it | succeeds they will Becure a'large reward in the Bhape of legislation shaped-by them or for their objects. 3. We oppose Home Rule because it would intensify Irish poverty, .the true root of Irish discontent; it would drive capital from the country and .discourage any trade that flourishes here still. Tho agitation has already rendered Irish land unsaleable. You can, from bitter' exper: ionce in New Zealand, realise what effect that has on trade generally; it means as you know' almost paralysis of businesr. Bankers and solicitors tell us .that now capital is seldom vested' in'lreland, and that.business men are drawing wh»t they had hero and trans, ferring it to England or the colonies. The treatment recently givnn to the Bank • of Irefand and the Belfast linen trade is a sample of what we may «p«fc by and by if thii moMurc become* lav. % >iit!et

alisfc"newspapers the'cwJif'ui til!} iia'iik of Ireland'was, for a time, JBriouaijfishiikflri..... ; ; iThis was dona because jpleased tho'.Hpme Rule party by. refusing; unlimited 'credit jo < theMunateVj&nfc,; 1 h ..which was regarded «s amord.Vnafw^i''-> !> institution^. and lately; ••■ violent Micks'. * < have been made by the same '■ ? upon the linen trade of Belfast, almost V. tl\e only .flourishing industs, country because' it ui'conneoted With ;5 "Orange" Ulster.' Asa matter of if&cti, ,1 : the trade is not. connected ,on mptaTisn; principles at)aU^;ithappen» ? the most Protestant part of Irelahd;.*hd, t . of course, employs many ;oraugeiri<Jn"m.'...'. well as Roman Catholics,: ■. . \

i Lastly, .we, object to Homo Rufelto- •' ! cause it is unnecessary, The Ithpßil make needfulreforms in the Irish Government ; and when they are made, and tk« -the law impartially and' firmly administered, there is no reason for thinking that discuntont would be permanent; In put yeara Ireland was; mis-govemed; lately, all statesmen are desirous to do her justice and justice has been done in many ormoßi matters. What is needed now is a proper measure of local government for the United Kingdom—for England aW Scotland quite as much ,as r Thatfirstr-thsn for Ireland and Bill,'giving direct, liot; as at'present; 1h; : direct, support to the. denuminaiAnal education, which is as much valuHby theinajorityof Irishmenasjtis disllkei ■.-.■. by youx feliow : colonists.iv; Aud: ! same timejt, might be as .well; to :'tiais^t, ; |j' Land Purchase Bill of moderate dimessums; a Bill which would give some of the landlords puwer to.sellilo'i willing'; tenant* the opportunity of oxebsnging-' their tenancy tor a freeholdj.subjecb to 6 quit rent. .