INDIAN DEADLOCK

Wairarapa Times-Age, 16 October 1940, Page 6

INDIAN DEADLOCK

REPERCUSSIONS OF EUROPEAN CONFLICT ■ CONGRESS AIMS AND MINORITY INTERESTS. FEELING EMPHATICALLY ANTI-NAZI. Indians of all political persuasions and creeds have throughout this year been profoundly impressed by the gravity of events in Europe, and an emotional movement favourable to the Allied cause has ■ lately swept the country, states an article in "The Times." Indian opinion from the first has been emphatically anti-Nazi, but the peril of the British Expeditionary Force recently in Flanders in the spring released a flood of sentiment for the Allies which, in nationalist circles, had previously been held in check by the emphasis hithei’to given to the domestic constitutional controversy. The German onslaught on the Low Countries and Northern France, together with the new threat to Britain, has resulted in demands for political unity here, plainly showing that most Indians are tired of internal dissensions at a time when national boundaries are being ruthlessly obliterated elsewhere. Except in extremist circles the view is no longer expressed that Great Britain is engaged in an imperialist war. Rather is the conflict recognised as a life-and-death struggle between the forces of good and evil. Political grievances against Great Britain are regarded as of minor significance in relation to the prospect of Nazi domination. This country is, indeed, on edge to play a more important part in fighting the menace. DOMINANT FIGURES. This new mood is not completely divorced from the Congress attitude to the war in its earlier stages, but it is imbued with a new sense of realism. The Congress demand for independence is seen against a different background. It is recognised that if Europe succumbed to the doctrine of Nazism, India would have to abandon her own aspirations'for political freedom. It is also realised that the British Commonwealth faces a powerful and unscrupulous foe, scornful of the independence of others, and ignorant of the political aims of Asiatic races. Except a relatively few intransigents, all Indians feel that India should prepare for all eventualties. Two figures dominate the political scene. One is the Viceroy (Lord Linlithgow), who is marshalling the military and productive resources of the country on the side of the Allies; the other is Mr Gandhi, who sits beside his spinning wheel, a tragic figure contemplating the world’s renunciation of his doctrine of non-violence. To the Viceroy what matters most is that India should be true to herself, should find strength in unity, and should recognise the peril in Europe as a danger to freedom everywhere. Lord Linlithgow appreciates the desire of Indians to share in a more resolute war effort and, in association with his experts, is using his powerful influence to ensure for them full opportunity to help in prosecuting the war. MR GANDHI. Mr Gandhi is saddened by the tragedy that has overwhelmed Europe, but holds fast to his faith in non-vio-lence as the ultimate creed of mankind. He would gladly stalk the battlefields of Europe if he could there convince men that their methods are an outrage against the best instincts of the human race. He has no heart to embarrass the British authorities while tha war lasts, and believes that Nazi philosophy is much more sinister than anything that may be inherent in British "Imperialism.” He recognises the disunities which mar Indian political life, seeks their dispersal, and would willingly do more than some of his followers to compose existing differences. The unhappiness of his position is reflected in his utterances. He might have clung with less tenacity to the Congress solution of the constitutional problem but for those members of the Congress Working Committee who oppose compromise on an issue which will be of no consequence if Britain fails. On this question he and they have parted company. Deadlock persists because the British authorities, the Congress Parly, and the Moslem League are at variance with each other in their respective proposals for a solution. It will continue until statesmanship devises some form of agreed procedure by which constitutional and communal relations can be adjusted. There has lately been a demand that popular governments should be restored in the provinces and that the centre should be augmented by popular elements, i Many think the constitutional problem will find its own solution if this collaboration is forthcoming. An important section of Moslem opinion remains suspicious of Congress power in the provinces, and there is no evidence that the official policy of the Congress Party will permit collabora- 1 tion at the centre in the absence of a 1 declaration of independence. THE VICEROY’S POLICY. 1 The real difficulty lies in the Con-

gress demand for a declaration that the Government will apply the principle of self-determination to India, leaving the people free to determine the nature of the future constitution. It is true that the Congress demand has undergone modifications. The policy pursued by the Viceroy has revealed the realities. Congress leaders are fully aware of the opposition which their demands for independence have aroused. The Princes are prepared to consider the British offer of Dominion status, granted that their peculiar treaty rights are safeguarded. The Moslem League prefers a form of selfdetermination of its own, with independent Moslem States for the Moslem areas. Neither suggestion is compatible with the Congress idea of self-deter-mination. In blaming the British Government for the deadlock the Congress leaders have attached insufficient weight to the implacable opposition of those who fear Undiluted democracy in India. The Princes, the Moslem League, and other minorities want better proof that change will not mean their subservience to the Congress majority. THE FUTURE. The controversy has been overshadowed by the war in Europe. The nationalist press can no longer as- I same that Indian opinion is solely | concerned in securing an end to argument by having its demand met in full. It is more concerned in seeing that the war is won by the Allies. In all political camps. Congress not excluded. the outcome of the European struggle will determine the Indian future. Even Mr Gandhi has implied that if the British Government can-! not declare India a free country, having the right to determine her own |

status and constitution, then the matter should be held in abeyance. “We do not seek our independence out of Britain’s ruin.” he has said; that is not the way of non-violence.” The fact that the country has been brought to realise the full significance of European events does not in itself imply an ending of the deadlock. While Congress leaders admit that Great Britain is fighting for a just cause, they are not yet satisfied that the principles for which the British are fighting in Europe will with certainty be applied to India. The task of British statesmanship is to remove this uncertainty and convince Indians that the Government is sincere and serious in its intention to bring their country into that equal partnership which Dominion status implies. It is not generally expected that constitu-tion-making will begin until the war ends, but the machinery for the proposed review of the constitution might well be considered now.