AMERICA’S STAND
WILL SHE ENTER THE WAR?
COMPLEX QUESTION. FACING THE KNOWN FACTS. • Will they come- in?" —This question was on everybody's lips. The war was in progress, and I had just returned from a thirteen months’ tour of the United States, states the Hon. Edward Astley in the "Sunday Times.” There were old friends to be seen in the club, others to be rung up' on the telephone, and yet others in my regiment. There was no doubt, of it; they were much interested in America, but they did not ask me what sort of a country it was, whether I liked Americans, or what 1 had done and seen; they simply said, "Will they come in?” Wherever I turned. to whomsoever I spoke, always the same question: “Will America come in?” Let us examine for a moment the implications of this universal question. It is probable that large numbers of those who ask it have never stopped to consider why they do so; it is even more likely that they are not sure just exactly what it means. Implicit in the question is acceptance ot the fact that the United Stages was ol invaluable assistance during the last World War and of decisive influence i during the last year of that war. Moreover, it is natural that a nation at war should wish for the maximum of active assistance and for the largest possible number of allies.
But, since we are fighting on this occasion not for the maintenance of the status quo, nor for imperialistic ambitions, nor solely in our own defence, but rather for the maintenance of all that is best in Western civilisation—on which the Americans are founded and of which they are an integral part—and for the establishment of a better world in which all men may live ii. peace and harmony, it would be more in keeping with our principles to ask ourselves how the United States can best serve the interests of Western civilisation, including her own national interests, rather than how soon she may feel inclined to throw hersell into the war. We should consider whether America may not be more helpful in the ultimate task of making peace than in the immediate task of making war.
America was less prepared than we were for the depression of 1929, her social organisms for alleviating the results of that depression were either less advanced than ours or entirely nonexistent. Therefore, she suffered materially and psychologically more than any other nation, and as a direct consequence her people have undergone during the last seven years the stress and strain of sudden and tremendous social reforms, new experiments in government, and novel theories of financial economy. Excess of action and reaction is gradually expending itself, but the American people are still striving anxiously to achieve that stability and that peace of mind which will signalise their final victory over the events or the past decade—and over themselves. Give them a litle while, and that victory will stand out as a monument to Western civilisation.
If the first essential is to examine our private opinions about, and our national policy towards, America in the light of these considerations, it is no less important that we have a full realisation not only of the general background of American neutrality, but also of contemporary events likely to affect American opinion.
Every Englishman is by now familial with the Monroe Doctrine, and with the general principle of American policy to eschew entangling alliances in other parts of the world; but he is not so familiar with another permaneni factor which must always have a decisive influence on the policies of the Administration. We should do well to call America by its correct name more frequently. The United States is just what it says it is; or, at any rate, hgives a truer picture of the country than the single word America. The United States is not a homogeneous nation as we understand the term, but a federation of six or possibly seven large countries varying greatly in climate, topography, racial origin, economic interests, habits of life, and mental outlook. There is a common basin of thought and interests in the fact that every citizen is a good American wedded to the American way of life, but the regionalism of the United States is just as likely to pursue a course of diversity and perversity in a national emergency as to present a united front. This is something we should never forget. America cannot be understood as a nation, nor can she be asked with reason to see tilings as wo do through one pair of eyes; as a federation of countries, she is intelligible, warm, and responsive; as such she can be wooed and won. Nowhere in American life is this regional element so dominant as in the field of domestic politics, and at prerent domestic politics has assumed ai importance for the whole American people which they believe to be full} equal to that of the war. The Nev Deal has had a rough ride for the past year, and has sustained many a bac fall. There is intense animosity between the New Dealers and the Republican Party, much of it of a persona: nature directed against President Roosevelt; there is also great bitterness within the ranks of the Democratic Party, which may play havoc with the regional voles, especially in the Democratic South.
Unless some unlooked-for event should drag the United States into the abyss of war within the next few months, punches will not be pulled during the Presidential election of 1940 because any New Dealer is concerned; and if either side can use the wai t<, serve its ends it will not hesitate to. Faith in European democracy is at a low ebb in America. The question of unpaid debts is ’still extremely difficult to discuss with equanimity, and the cry of “Uncle Shylock’’ is not ye* forgotten. The fact that only 1 percent of the American people wish success to Germany is of greater signifi-
cance than that 80 per cent should favour the Allies. The tremendous proAlly feeling in the United States today is due in greater measure to Herr Hitler than to any positive actions on the part of Great Britain, If we are willing to take these things to heart, we shall .have no cause for discouragement. But we, must not forget them. American ideals are our ideals, and the peace of the world is at stake. Let us but show continual and vital recognition of those two facts, and who shall dare to say that America will fail humanity?
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Wairarapa Times-Age, 31 January 1940, Page 7
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1,110AMERICA’S STAND Wairarapa Times-Age, 31 January 1940, Page 7
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