Wairarapa Times-Age FRIDAY, MAY 12, 1939. PEACE EFFORTS IN EUROPE.

Wairarapa Times-Age, 12 May 1939, Page 4

Wairarapa Times-Age FRIDAY, MAY 12, 1939. PEACE EFFORTS IN EUROPE.

QpiIOUGII it was reported at some length in a British Official Wireless message received yesterday, Mr Chamberlain’s latest statement on the subject of the negotiations his Government is conducting in Russia was far from being completely enlightening. The British Prime Minister gave some details, but the actual form of the proposals and counter-proposals under discussion has yet to be disclosed.

What has been said goes far enough, however, to throw a certain amount of light on the general, outlook and on the prospects of constituting a peace bloc in Europe. For example, the mere fact that negotiations between Britain and Russia are still in progress goes far to dispose of some of the more pessimistic interpretations placed upon M. Litvinoff’s recent retirement from the post of Soviet Minister for Foreign Affairs. Commentators as far apart as Washington and Berlin saw in that event an indication that Russia, was moving towards isolation and there were suggestions also that M. Stalin might not only break with the democracies, but seek an understanding with Germany. Had these anticipations been well founded, it might have been expected that negotiations between Britain and Russia would before now have broken down completely.

That there is no evidence as yet of this disastrous failure does not necessarily mean that events are moving smoothly in the right direction, but only, an actual breakdown of the current negotiations would give any real ground for supposing that Russia meant to isolate herself from European affairs or to endeavour to come separately to terms with the Fascist Powers.

A great deal depends on the sincerity with which agreement is sought, by the democracies on the one hand and by Russia on the other. It is not in doubt, however, that good grounds exist for an agreement that would be highly advantageous to all peace-loving nations in Europe and further afield. There is no obvious reason why the European' democracies and Russia should not be able to arrive at a mutually satisfactory understanding.

It is true that only about two months ago M. Stalin, in a bitter duslaught on the Western democracies, spoke of “their desire not to hinder the aggressors in their black business,” ami charged Britain and France with conniving at Germany’s approach to the Ukraine, in order that the Soviet and the Fascist Powers might exhaust themselves in conflict,, to the . advantage of the West. Extravagantly as it was developed, this * denunciation derived some plausibility from the miserable fiasco which cost Czechoslovakia her independent existence and from the farce of “non-intervention” in Spain. Today,, however, an entirely new situation has developed.

Mr Chamberlain did not in any way exaggerate when he said that the British guarantee to Poland opened a. new era of British foreign policy. In that guarantee and in the similar guarantees given since to Rumania and Greece, Britain has abandoned her traditional avoidance of long-distance commitments and, in association with France, has definitely accepted police duties extending to the confines of Europe. The effect of the new policy has been summed up by a writer who said that it meant in the first place that

' those countries to whom Britain has now given her guarantee cannot be attacked without involving the aggressor in a conflict with the armed forces of Britain. In other words, an attack on Poland. Greece, or Rumania would be the signal for the next world war.

Put earlier into force, this policy almost certainly would have saved Czechoslovakia. Whether it is now to spell checkmate to the totalitarian aggressors may be expected to appear in the vorv near future.

With the issue still in doubt, it seems clear that self-interest and a desire to avert general European war must impel Russia, in spite of the resentment she feels over the fate of Czecho-( Slovakia and Spain, to make common cause with the democracies in their new policy. Unless it is prepared to assume that the Britain and French guarantees to Poland and other European Slates are an empty gesture, void of meaning and sincerity, the Soviet Government is bound 1o perceive in these guarantees a contribution to Russian security, as well as to the preservation of European peace.

The immediate demand of the situation, from the point of view of all peace-loving nations, is that an organisation should be built up which will deprive the dictatorships of any hope of gaining their ends by sudden and overwhelming attacks on selected objectives. A successful outcome of the present Anglo-Russian negotiations would go far to ensure that measure of organisation being achieved. If so much is accomplished, some hope will appear of rebuilding firm foundations of peace in Europe. The task' at best will be one of great difficulty and will be hindered by the fears and jealousies of small as well as great nations, but the whole outlook nevertheless will be transformed if the nations now committed to the policy of aggression are forced to call a halt.