ENGLAND'S POSITION.
Lord Wolseley on December 2nd at Southampton made a speech in praise of the Volunteers. The occasion was a distribution of prizes to the Ist Hants Artillery. The Commander-in-Chief's praise was well deserved. Wars of defence are one thing ; wars of aggression quite another. The Volunteer force was raised as a civilian army for defending the country against invasion, and that is still its character. At the time of its first formation, there was a general apprehension among all classes of the public that an invasion was quite feasible. Since then one set of expert critics have argued that if the fleet cannot defend the. country no land force can be of any use. Others have gone to the extremity of saying that an invasion is impossible. If this be so, the Volunteers force is, aa Lord Wolse'ey contends, a superfluity. But Lord Wolseley does not believe in the impossibility of an invasion. Now, we may all believe, or wish to believe, that Europe is growing too civilised, too humane for invasions, though the latest —a land invasion happened only twenty-seven years ago. The tendency to substitute diplomatic wars for battles in the field certainly exists, and grows stronger. Military States are more desirous of keeping up armies as ocular demonstration a 8 of wlut they can do than v-i instruments to be used just because they exist. Nevertheless, the problem of invasion has a theoretical value. Is an invasion possible? is a real question, answerable by weighing of probabilities. The answer is suggested by the change in international conditions. An invasion was impossible in the times when the English fleet was far more than a match tor the world's combined fleets, and when Europe was in alliance with England in combatting the Napoleonic attempt at universil dominion. But the alliance with England, the acceptance of English leadership in war and international politics, has given place to a species of combination—or, at hast, to a general feeling of jealousy—against her. Stranger things have happened in the world than a combination between Russia, Germany, and France against the British Empire. ' There are signs of a growing fraternisation between the first-named three Powers in the Far East. That Germany did not occupy Kiao-Chau without a previous understanding with Russia is now a generally accepted fact. Russia's compliance means the compliance of France. And, as we pointed out yesterday, England's new acquisition of territory at Hong Kong is sure to be followed by a counter move. And in the game of an international war an English fleet might find it impracticable to keep the Channel clear of a combined host.—Echo.
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Bibliographic details
Waikato Argus, Volume IV, Issue 240, 27 January 1898, Page 2
Word Count
439ENGLAND'S POSITION. Waikato Argus, Volume IV, Issue 240, 27 January 1898, Page 2
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