THE Wairarapa Age MORNING DAILY. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 5, 1912. THE GERMAN PARLIAMENT.

Wairarapa Age, Volume XXXII, Issue 10575, 5 March 1912, Page 4

THE Wairarapa Age MORNING DAILY. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 5, 1912. THE GERMAN PARLIAMENT.

The average New Zealander's conception of the German Parliament, with its two Houses and Ministerial Cabinet, is that it is conducted much on the same lines as the British Parliament. During the elections recently closed, the Socialists scored many victories, and captured many of the seats from the Conservatives. Despite universal franchise, the German Empire is not a democracy. The Reichstag is the lease important of the two Houses of the German Parliament. Speaking generally, it can only accept or reject projects sent to it for consideration by the Upper House, the Bundesrat. The Bundesrat is not a house of Peers; it is a diplomatic, body representing the governments—all of them autocratic in character compared with Anglo-Saxon Governments—of the States of Germany, hi the Bundesrat, Prussia is practically supreme, because in factit always initiates proposals, and be-

oauso it can veto the proposals of others. In Prussia the electoral system is such that it gives almost complete power to the- junkers, the Conservative squirens of the Centre and East, and under the three class system of voting, nothing, save their own consent or revolution, can deprive them of their power, and because Prussia controls the Empire, the agrarian ' and conservative classes also control tho national affairs of Germany. Neither in Prussia or Germany, however, is there a Cabinet responsible to a Parliamentary majority. The Chancellor and the first Prims Minister, who is always tho same, is appointed by the Kaiser. He is, as a rule, a person acceptable to the Kaiser, the bureaucracy, and the leaders of the more conservative parties. Constitutionally he cannot be turned out of office by an adverse vote, though if the Assembly made up its mind to do so, it could force him to resign, and might even control tie appointment of his successor. But the majority never wishes to bring things to a crisis because the privileged position of the Junker, and the inordinately high protection enjoyed by the agricultural classes are all bound up with the present system of government. The government 'of Germany therefore rests on the understanding between the agrarian representatives and'the higher official classes. This system produces a number of bad effects. It means that Germany never has a change of Government. The Emperor may drop one Chancellor through an oulblietto if his policy becomes too unpopular, but the real Government goes on undisturbed. And this leads to government by intrigue to an extent which is incredible to AngloSaxon communities. The system also means that the Government is subject to steady bias in favour of aggressive action. The Junker is the man above all others who believes in the efficiency of force. It was his sword that enabled Bismarck to create modern Germany. He despises the new commercial classes, and is anxious to show that wealth and trade are not the mainstays of German power. As the recent debates show, the Conservative is loud in his demand that Germany's rights _ and reputation should be vindicated by j the sword. Moreover, the Government, as is natural ,is unpopular. It cannot change, and is therefore blamed for everything that goes wrong, ./flie whole system, in .fact, from the •Emperor downwards, (/an only last if •it is. successful,'and the more unpopular it grows at home, the stronger is the bias in favour of recovering its prestige, in the good old way by glory abroad. And this tendency is aggravated by the fact "that Germany, lifce other young States, still lives largely in speculation. It has gone ahead rapidly, and its people, so to speak, are still inclined fo mortgage tbe first storey of their houses to build tire second. And as prestige helps credit, all classes are interested in keeping alive the reputation of Germany as the coming power in world politics, as in trade and finance. The intense belief of the Germans, and especially of the Prussians who control Germany's policy, in the use of force as. the proper method of achieving their national ends, has produced a diplomacy which is a by-word throughout the world for violence and pride.