THE Wairarapa Age MORNING DAILY. TUESDAY, MAY 4, 1909. AS OTHERS SEE US.

Wairarapa Age, Volume XXXII, Issue 3180, 4 May 1909, Page 4

THE Wairarapa Age MORNING DAILY. TUESDAY, MAY 4, 1909. AS OTHERS SEE US.

British apprehensions of the German menace are now clear, even to that embodiment of superficiality known as the casual observer, or to his next-of-kin, the man in the street. But it is profitable to ascertain the view of a competent and apparently unprejudiced foreigner, and the opportunity of doing so is supplied by M. Rene Pmon,a well-known French publicist, who contributes to the current number of the "Revue des Deux Mondes," a long and thoughtful artice on "The Rivalry between Germany and England." This writer looks afar. He takes in the situation with a sweeping "coup d'oeil." And he does not hesitate to say that the AngloGerman rivalry now dominates the whole of the political history of Europe and determines in a large measure the attitudes and the acts of all the great Powers. The suspense of waiting, for the great struggle, he says, weighs upon the whole world and troubles it like a nightmare. These are strong expressions, but who i-s to say that the intelligent foreigner exaggerates the position even when he goes on to say that the two nations must either fight or come to a definite understanding with each other, for the continual menace has become intolerable? He seized the opportunity, therefore, which was afforded by King Edward's pacific visit to Berlin, and the almost simultaneous ratification of an agreement between Germany and France regarding Morocco, to hint that the moment was auspicious for an Anglo-

German understanding. Unhappily, i since |M. Pinon penned his article, the discovery of fresh German naval preparations, which had been made j with elaborate secrecy, has produced i renewed apprehensions, not only in Great Britain, but throughout the British Empire, combined with a determination that Britain shall maintain her naval supremacy, come what may. And an Anglo-German understanding seems accordingly to be further away than ever. The traditions of friendship, alliance, and comradeship in arms, as between Britain and Prussia, are not forgotten by this writer, but he puts his finger fairly on the spot when he rrnints out that in order to bar the road to Constantinople against the Russians Disraeli sided with Bismarck in 1878. "Fearing a Slav descent upon the route to India," he writes, "England at the Congress uf

Berlin introduced Germany into the Mediterranean." The menace of the on-coming Slav has been averted, but England has merely exchanged one j peril for another. She has now to reckon with Germanism—the Teuton in Austria as well as in Germany. If the Teuton should set fire to Europe in the Near East' it must be borne in mind that it was Beaconsfield who put him there thirty years ago. M. Pinon gives the British the credit of possessing a natural sense of discipline which unites them admirably when confronted by a national danger. , Hut he hints that their confidence in their insular security prevents them from foreseeing perils ahead. M. i Pinon discusses exhaustively the industrial and commercial rivalry between England and Germany, laying stress once more upon the point that for both nations external markets for their exports are an absolute necessity. He goes on to find in the German philosophers, from Hegel to Neitzsche, this idea of a beneficent force, and of war as the creator of order and progress. "This conception," he says, "of which Wagner was the singer and Bismarck the realiser, is spread by the University professors among the masses of the people. By German battalions and armored battleships the sway of Germanic philosophy and Germanic culture is to be extended." It is a poor excuse for a policy of bloodshed and plunder. M. Pinon goes on to observe that even British materialism has its idealistic tinge. "The Englishman," he remarks caustically, "is firmly :onvinced that his domination is beneficent and liberal, that it is a blessing for the peoples of the world to live in his shadow, and that a special decree of Providence has assigned to him the mission of governing and civilising the world. Whoever disputes his markets with him appears to him to be a person envious of another's prosperity, a rebel against the natural order of things." And so this thoughtful Frenchman arrives at the conclusion that, a3 between England and Germany, there is not only a struggle for commerce and sea supremacy, out also a conflict of ideas—the antagonism of two civilisations. In tracing out the gradual growth of the distrust between England and Germany, M. Pinon suggests that the accession of King Edward during the Transvaal War, when England was without a friend in Europe, brought matters to a head. This Frenchman frankly expresses his astonishment that Germany, France, and Russia, each of which had well-defined grievances against England, did not seize the opportunity "to put bounds to her Empire, and to limit her maritime supremacy." The Kaisar has claimed that he prevented France and Russia from intervening. M. Pinon attributes the breakdown of the negotiations to the action of M. Delcasse. The writer goes on to show that 'after this narrow escape the King devoted himself, first with Lord Lansdowne, and after war is with Sir Edward Grey, to constructing the network of alliances and ententes which should secure Great Britain in all eventualities.