The War in Egypt—What it is all about.
In view of the exciting erents now transpiring at Alexandria, a large amount of public interest has been evoked in Egyptian politics; and, as many people. have a difficulty in apprehending the true aspect of the political situation, a hurried historical sketch of Egyptian affairs may not be unacceptable That the difficulty is, at least, as much a financial as a political one is proved by the fact that the crisis had its origin in a purely pecuniary question. In 1873, the Porte granted a measure of autonomy to Egypt, and vast reforms were instituted in that country with a view to Europeanising it, which entailed enormous expenditure. The Khedive of Egypt, Ismail Pasha, was animated by the ambition to become a despotic ruler, and in his career of extravagance and oppression he practically repudiated the .National Debt by appropriating no part of the revenues to the payment of the yearly interest. The English and French financiers, who were most interested in Egyptian bond?, took such steps as led their respective Govern ments to bring diplomatic pressure to bear on the Khedive, with a view to their payments being secured. The consolidate debt of Rgypt was at that time over £80,000,000, and a sum of £6,000,000 was required to pay the interest on this amount, and as the total revenue of the country was under eight and a half millions, it will be seen that the condition of affairs was not very hope* ful. The debt at the present time shows no decrease from the amount at which it then stood, although a temporary relief was afforded by the purchase of the Khedive's shares in the Suez Canal by Britain for the sum of £4,000,000. After several ineffectual attempts to; place the Egyptian finances on a soundl basis, a satisfactory solution was arrived at by the Commission of Inquiry which sent in its report in August, 1878, and which was presided over by Mr Rivers Wilson. This Commission, finding that the confused condition of Egyptian finances arose solely from the whole administration of the country being under the personal control of the Khedive, made a series of proposal for the reform of the system, — said proposals embracing the presence .of an English and-a^reßch f epresentative'in the Cabinetvof Mjnistevs who wwe thence. forth to govern the country. Tne Sultan of Turkey, who exercised a nominal suzerainity over Egypt,-was understood to acquiesce in this arrangement; and.lsmail Pasha gave the most solemn aWurabces that he would abide by the new order of things. In proof of his sincerity, he resigned bis vast private estate, known as the Daira, to the Government, and called upon Nubar Pasha (an enlightened and liberal minded, as well as conscientious Egyptian statesman,) to form a Ministry. This was nearly equivalen to granting constitutional government to Egypt, and had the scheme been faithfully adhered to, the present crisis would never have arisen. In his letter to Nubar Pasha, in August, 1878, calling on him to form a Cabinet, the Khedive states that he took this step of hisVwn free will, believing that it was for the good of the country that the principle of despotic rule should give place,to government by a Council of Ministers, advisers of the Khedive. Iv the Cabinet thus formed, Mr Rivers Wilson occupied the position of Minister of Finance, ■.- while M. de Blignieres, the Frenefcixepresentative, held the portfolio ofvJtajWic Works. Following up the recommendations of the Commission, to which, the Khedive had bound himself, the Ministry set vigorously to work to inaugarate preforms of a sweepipg character —much too sweeping to the mind of Ismail Pasha, who in a few months dismissed Nubar Pasha from the Ministry, in the vain hope Of nullifying the efforts of the i ommission. ._ But when he proposed immediately thereafter to dismiss Kiaz Pasha, Minister of the Interior, Messrs Rivers Wilson and d| Blignieres protested, and appealed to tbs? Governments. This brought affairs to a critical condition in April, 1879, and whenlater/00, the Khedive attempted tq. ctiamis& the Anglo-French representatives^ also,, the Porte intervened its authority, and depos*-! ing Ismail Pasha in June, 1879; placed his son, Mehemet Tewfik^Pasha (the present Khedive), on the ivice-regal throne. The new constitution under which Egypt has since then been governed, was issued in a decree of the Khedive in November, 1879, and provided- for the supervision of all the departments of state by two ControllersGeneral—one representing France and the other Eugland—with powor to take part in Ministerial deliberations, but not to vote. The representatives chosen were M. de Blignieres and Major <-Baring, K.C.M.G. Tewfik proved to be a very different man from his predecessor, being devoid alike of the ability and the ambition of Ismail, and he .consented without "any reservation to the foreign control of the finances of the country. This seemed to be the inauguration of a more hopeful era in Egyptian affairs. The country was proved to be naturally wealthy, and quite able to maintain its population in comfort, and at the same time to meet its pecuniary obligations, so that under the good system of Government adopted, a bright future was anticipated for that ancient laud, whioh was the cradle of the earliest civilisation of which any trace remains to us. But a new disturbing element appeared, and it is to the growth of this element that we Owe the series of events which have led up to the present crisis. This new element was the Nationalist or Egyptian Party, which has grown up in opposition to foreign interference in the government of tie \ country, and in opposition to; the Khedive in so fur as he acquiesced in that control,
Perhaps the repugnance of the Nationalists to Turkish rule is even more intense than it is to the Khedive or his " foreign " advisers. It is, in short, a popular movement having for Us watchword, " E&ypt for the Egyptians;" and having secured a leader of great daring, ambition, and executive capacity, in Arabi Bey, the movement rapidly extended and assumed definite shape. Arabi Bey, from being an obscure army officer, has been borne on the wave of popular agitation to the position of the foremost man in Egypt; he has been made a Pasha, and has forced himself into the office of Minister of War, andvirtualruler of the land. The Nationalist agitation was by no means so easily dealt with as was the personal ambition of Ismail Pasha. Diplomatic pressure can be brought to bear on a single individual, no matter how great his autocratic pretensions may be ; but no such pressure avails against a popular agitation. Hence the Nationalist movement in Egypt has daily gathered in strength, and instead of being retarded has rather been stimulated by the antagonism displayed to its aims by the Western European Powers. Early in the present year, it may be remembered, | Arabi, Pasha made a demand that the Chamber of Notables should have the complete control of the budget. This demand meant, in effect, a return to the system which prevailed four years a«o under Ismail Pasha—the only difference being that the finances of the country were to be managed by the Chamber instead of by the Khedive, as was then the case. In any event, the foreign element was to be excluded, and there was reason to fear that the National Party would no more respect the pecuniary obligations of the country than Ismail Pasha had been wont to do. The Khedive made a show of, resistance to the demands of the Nationalists, but he would have been coerced into submission had not France and Britain encouraged him to persevere, and offered him their assurances of active support in the maintenance of the status quo. The Sultan of Turkey at this time seemed in favor of the National movement, and he took up a position of antagonism to Britain and France, appealing against their action to the other European Powers. Probably, the: .Sultan- was jealous of the Khedive, and suspected him of intriguing with the Western Powers for a transfer of his allegiance to them ; but there is no ground for believing that Tewfik Pasha has ever indulged in such a dream. Though weak and irresolute, Tewfik has consistently maintained bis allegiance to the Porte, and has kept good faith with the Western Lowers, but it is evident that, but for the intervention of Britain and France, his very weakness might have led him to join the National movement, and throw off at one effort the useless suzerainty of Turkey, and the irksome tutelage of the Western Powers. The Sultan has latterly been brought to see the true position of affairs, and bag been co-operating with France.and Britain to secure the re-establishment of his rule in Egypt. But that he has been in a greater or less degree coerced into this way of thinking is evident from the many petty obstacles he has thrown in the'way of a cordial understanding being arrived at.
The aims of Arabi Pasha were frustrated in the early months of this year by the firm attitude of the Western Powert, buFlhough nominally withdrawing his demands, it is plain that Arabi has:: only been biding his tine and maturing his plane, fie never lost sight of the primary object of the Nationalist agitation-^the expulsion of foreigners and the. ruling jof Egypt by native Egyptians. HaTing, as Minister of War, obtained complete eon* trol of the Ministry, he proceeded to ignore the Khedive, and to act as"Director; the Khedive and his supporters being too weak to oppose him; while the* populace were kept in a high state of .excite* tnent by continual agitation. The crisis^ reached an acute stage in May last," when Arabi Pasha acted in open defiance of the Khedive, and in viola* tioa of the organic law of the country. At this time the leaders of the National Party assured the Foreign Consuls, in Alexandria, that there was no reason to apprehend any danger to the lives or property of Europeans'in that city; but that they would forciby resist any proposed occupation by Turkish troops. The Khedive appealed to France and Britain for the material aid formerly promised by them; and the Sultan of Turkey again allowed his unreasoning jealousy to complicate matters, by. addressing a note to the Governments of Italy, Germany, and Austria, asking what course they advised as to intervention in Egyptian affairs. The Sultan made pieparations for landing a force of 30,000 men in Egypt, wishing to prevent the Western Powers from arbitrating in the dispute, but Britain and France strenuously maintained, their right to interfere, and'compelled the Sultan to abandon his intention. After this came the emcute at Alexandria, when the populace showed their hatred of foreigners by killing some and maltreating others. The Anglo-French fleet was thereupon ordered to Alexandria to protect the.Euro* peans in the city j the Egyptians, under Arabi Pasha, resented this step, manned the fortifications of the city, and insolently repelled all demands for satisfaction, hence the bombardment of. Alexandria by the British fleet under Admiral Seymour. As we have only brief telegraphic accounts of the more recent events, it is impossible to indicate the diplomatic reasons which have induced the withdrawal of France from active operations; but there can be little doubt the object is to avoid European complications. la the whole course of the events we have recapitulated, Italy has shown a pecular sensitiveness as to her claim to consideration in the settle* ment of the Egyptian question, and the interference of< France she has always, viewed with especial jealousy. Therefore the singlehanded sction of Britain has no doubt been resolved upon, as the most simple and satisfactory treatment of a delicate and con plicated difficulty .-^Auckland Star.
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Thames Star, Volume XIII, Issue 4225, 17 July 1882, Page 2
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1,963The War in Egypt—What it is all about. Thames Star, Volume XIII, Issue 4225, 17 July 1882, Page 2
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