THE Evening Star. PUBLISHED DAILY AT FOUR O'CLOCK P.M. Resurrexi. SATURDAY, AUGUST 2, 1879.

Thames Star, Volume X, Issue 3312, 2 August 1879, Page 2

THE Evening Star. PUBLISHED DAILY AT FOUR O'CLOCK P.M. Resurrexi. SATURDAY, AUGUST 2, 1879.

" I may point out to you that it is in the I power of any Governor to ruin any Ministry, because he may ally himself with the party.,opposed to it, and then*it is an alliance between the Governor and a particular party. If a Ministry is weak in the House, and has not power to carry its. measures, it must fall into disgrace." Most of our readers will remember that the foregoing statement was made by the Premier when addressing his constituents at the Theatre Royal last December. Sir George Grey did not dilate on the statement he then made, but as it contains a momentous truth to colonists, it will .prove how such action may occur, and what steps should be taken to prevent its recurrence. Of course^jwe all know that, the functions and powers of the Governor 'are more apparent than real. His power alone results from bis dignified capacity. Through his capacity he is the head of our society. He saves us also from the turmoil of electing Governors. The: Grown is supposed to be the head of the English" Church, and our present Queen. has induced a desire that moral precepts Should be held as obligatory to ensure her favor. But with these considerations Governors are uncalled upon to manifest either example or precept. How Governors can ruin Ministers will be best shown by a brief examination of the powers of the Crown. ,:.• There can be no such thing as latent prerogative in a limited monarchy.' The monarch is the. first subject in ; the Empire, as the Governor is the first subject in a dependency. It was the custom at one period to consider the King as one of the estates of the realm, having separate and co-ordinate authority with the Houses of Lords and Commons. But the Queen has no such power, and as Bagehot remarks, " She must sign her, own death warrant if the two Houses unanimously send it up to her." At the , tame period when the conviction noticed prevailed the ancient theory obtained, then the monarch was the executor. The bitterness in the American colonies against George 111. plainly shewed this statement ■to be correct. Lord North carrying on a war against the colonies which he had no sympathy with —nay, rather hatred—because his sovereign desired its continuance. We must, however, not enquire too closely, . into the powers and actions of the Crown, or we shall soon lose all reverence for itIts sanctity lies in its being "something apart" from what other men can possess. The Crown has three rjghtsrrttie right to warn; the right to admonish; and the right to encourage. There its power ends: soon as its wearer enters into the arena of politics reverence for it passes away, And its possessor sinks at once to the , level of a combatant. The influence of the Crown is a very different thing indeed to its.powers, although influence is one of 'the mightiest levers of human conduct. Let anyone think over the reign of George 111. and he will see what is meant by the distinction between power and influence. The third George would have bis own way whatever happened; He gave his orders, and,had them obeyed. Let one instance, suffice. He would not let Pitt take Fox into office to form a coalition Ministry. The last illustration of this kingly authority took place .when William .IV; dig. missed hia Ministers because he thought their opinions were not the opinions of the multitudes. He, like his forerunner George 111., became a combatant in the political strife of his time, and ruined his Executive.

. Precisely on the same principle can a Governor ruin a Ministry. He becomes a combatant, and thinks he knows who has, and who has not, the, confidence of the people. Further, he may have ideas of hig own as to what course of action he thinks will be most conducive to the wellbeing of the country over which he presides; and further still, he may have secret opinions as to what men or section of the community will rule the country best., : JNpw, whenever a Governor intrudes his opinions and acts on them, determining in his own mind'what section of the Legislature has the confidence of the country; what political opinions will be most conducive to its mature development; pr what men are the best enabled to secure this development, maintain good order, and induce general prosperity—he .transcends his legitimate functions, and arrogates to himself power not claimed to the Crown. And that these statements are true will be manifest to the dullest apprehension. There is only one absolute power in the State, and there cannot, as Hobbes long since pointed out, be two. In Kussia, for instance, it is in the voice and will of the Czar; in Great Britain and her Colonies, it is the voice and will of the people. All thingg by it are founded and upheld, and any man, mea-

sure, or principle condemned by that voice can have no enduring place in our midst. The people are the final court of appeal iin our Anglo« Saxon speaking communities.

It has long been recognised in Great Britain as. the rule of the Empire that defeated Ministries have a right to a dissolution. Authority is clear on this matter. The slightest research will ensure conviction. Polynesian Governors have arranged among themselves to denude Ministers of this right. Their action may appear, at the first glance, unimportant, but. a second thotight t will shew its significance. They take from the people the power of judging their j Ministers by judging them themselves. It is idle to assert that the people are fit only to judge as to the expediency of matters of policy, as it is far easier to judge of action than of principle. A thousand men can be found who will readily express their approval or disapproval of an event, who will hesitate and enquire at great length before they will say "yes " or "no "to a matter of expediency, : and; after, will, say ■" there is much to be said on both aides of the question." ' ! ".' .. In granting a dissolution we are thoroughly convinced that the Governor had adopted the only constitutional means open for him in the contingency of the Ministry failing to immediately resign after an adverse vote.: