THE Evening Star PUBLISHED DAILY AT FOUR O'CLOCK P.M. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 16, 1879.

Thames Star, Volume X, Issue 3169, 16 April 1879, Page 2

THE Evening Star PUBLISHED DAILY AT FOUR O'CLOCK P.M. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 16, 1879.

The wisdom of the policy of Sir Bartle Frerein South Africa in dealing with the Zulu nation is questioned by many of the leading journals in England. The High Commissioner seems to have arrired at the conclusion that the power of the Zulu Chief, Cetywayo, required checking, and steps would have to be taken to do so sooner or later. From his dispatches published in The Times of the 21st Feb. he gives Sir M. Hicks-Beach reasons for the steps already taken by. him, and defends his whole policy. We make the followiog extracts from his communications :—

"Cetywayo is in no way superior in character to his predecessors. Since his coronation placed him firmly on the throne he has had ample opportunity for showing that in cruelty and treachery he is no degenerate representative of Chaka and Dmgaan. I have met persons who agree that there is no ground to fear an unprovoked attack from Zulus; but I have never met a man who, having' had dealings with him, professed to have any trust in Cetywayo s word, or who believed that, anything except fear would restrain him frpm acts of the most revolting cruelty and bloodshed. Aslong as a large force is maintained in Natal, it is possible that fear may preponderate over cupidity, pride, or passion; but, with Chaka as his avowed-^-model, we can never have any better security for peace than an armed truce while he rules Zululand."

! Sir Bartle Frere proceeds to show that there are no reasonable grounds for expecting that the Zulus will be content to remain in peace within their own borders:— • " Everything during the last 12 months has confirmed the belief that nothing of the kind can be expected from Cetywayo, or any one who, like him, seeks to revert to Chaka's system of centralized military organisation, for avowed purpose of conquest and aggression of the bloodiest and most barbarous kind. I judge him solely from his own words and deeds in times past, and I believe there is no other safe mode of judging what he is or is not likely to do. " But it is not the Transvaal only that looks to the solution of the Zulu question as deciding the issues of war or peace. From every part of South Africa during the past two years we have had the same symptoms of unrest, and of a growing disposition on the part of the natives to try, by more or less decided wager of battle, whether the white man BtUl retains his supremacy, or whether it has now passed, with the white man's weapons, into the hands of the more numerous natives. . "It is not in this colony alone, but

wherever the Caffre races are to be found —from the Fish-Hirer to the Limpopo, and from the Lower Orange River to Delagoa Bay—that the influence of the Zulu King has been found at work, fostering and directing this spirit. It is not of late years only that this has been the case. Even before Sir Garnet Wolseley arrived in Natal the danger was foreseen by most competent judges, and every month since hag accumulated evidence of the reality of the danger. I cannot fee how it is possible that the danger should pass away as long as any considerable section of the native races retain their present growing conviction that the day of English supremacy in South Africa has passed." „ .'• Believing as I do that the future peace, prosperity, and happiness of the native races in South Africa are inextricably bound up with the supremacy of the English Imperial Government, I cannot ace anything but disaster in delaying to let the natives know that if the English Government is non-aggressive, it is so from a sense of justice and from no want of power; I should therefore consider any delay in convincing the Zulus of the futility of attempts to restore their old supremacy as a great and unmitigated misfortune for all native races."

In carrying out his views Sir Bartle Frere asked of the Imperial Government reinforcements, and in this request he was supported by the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Ghelmsford. Subsequent events proved that both were right, for the forces at the disposal of the authorities in South Africa have been found utterly inadequate to cope with the overwhelming numbers of the Zulu army. It seems that the danger—notwithstand the High Commissioner's despatches—was not fully realised by the Imperial Government, and the disasters that have befallen the

forces in the field, hare awakened the Secretary of State for the Colonies to the fact that a most serious war has been entered upon, and one that will demand both men and money to successfully prosecute. That it is necessary for the future welfare and prosperity of our South African possessions that the supremacy of of the English people should be felt and acknowledged by the native races, is evident ; and the .question whether the right time had arrived to prove that position to the Zulu nation in particular, is one that it is now too late to discuss. From all sources it is acknowledged that Ceiy wayp's power was threatening the existence of Fatal and Other states, and the evil consequences of a nation like the Zulus possessing such a power could scarcely be estimated, as to its effect upon races who had heretofore been loyal and peaceful subjects in inducing them, perhaps, to acts of insurrection and rebellion.