PARLIAMENTARY.

Thames Star, Volume VIII, Issue 2960, 10 August 1878, Page 2

PARLIAMENTARY.

(Per Psess Agency.)

HOUSE OF IiEPEESENTATIVES

EVENING SITTING. WKLLINOTON.

Friday, 9.40 p.m. The House resumed at 7.30 this even ing.

CIVIL SERVICE ACTS AMENDMENT BILL

In Committee on this bill, Mr Fitz-, herbert made a strong appeal to members on behalf of provincial officers taken over by the General Government upon the changes rendered necessary by abolition. Ministers had promised upon the floor of the House, in unmistakeable terms, that the officers would be dealt with in a liberal and generous manner, and that promise ought to be fulfilled. They should be placed on the same footing as those who had been in the service of the General Government only.

The Hon. R. Stout said the Government were not prepared to deal with that question at present, but a future opportunity would be afforded for discussing the whole matter.

Progress was reported in order to enable certain amendments to be introduced when the bill was again committed. The ITcw Electoral Sill. The Hon. Jti. Stout moved the second reading of the Electoral Bill. He said it was necessarily a consolidating measure, and brought into a focus the electoral legislation of the colony by repealing a number of Acts dealing with the various descriptions of franchise. The Lon. gentleman proceeded to explain tbe provisions of the Act in detail. At present there was only one roll made up the year, and they intended to improve the present law by causing two rolls to be made up. The present system of ballot was preserved, but an important alteration was made in regard to the mode of nomination. They also proposed to prohibit the use of carriages and cabs, and to close public-houses, because it was but proper that on an election day, above all others, men should not have their brains muddled with drink. The question of bribery he would not refer to then. It would be time enough when the Bribery Bill came on. As to the re-distribution of seats, the Government were of opinion that if they brought in a measure dealing with that question at once it must lead to a dissolution and to elections, which would have to be conducted by means of the present system. He did not think it would be wise to deal hurriedly with so important a question. From information obtained from the HegistrarGeneral, he felt certain that two-thirds of the people of the colony were not on the present roll, but could be placer) upon the roll, which was part of the object of the present bill. It was time that legislation should be introduced to prevent a minority of the people of the colony ruling. He found that there were numbers of people who ought to have a vote who were without any, and were practically an outcast class in the colony. He failed altogether to understand the force of the expression, " A stake in the colony," used by those in favor of restricting the franchise. If a man earned only his living in the colony, though he was without land or household property, he had a stake in the colony, because its prosperity would be his prosperity. Why should clerks, assistants in shops, settlers' sons, and others be unrepresented ? Had they not as much intelligence as those who were allowed votes ? Why had they elections at all if it was not to be fairly or properly done, while there was such a large proportion without the franchise f* They often heard a great deal about Hare's system, but he contended that it did not ascertain public opinion. The only effect Hare's system could produce would bo the election of what had been well called a parliamentary museum, or a body of men who represented diverse views, without any sentiment in common, and who could not work in a political force. Without force and union no political reform could eyer be carried out, He might instance the growth of the temperance question in England. No one scarce heard of tbe temperance advocates until such time as the different teetotal societies in the towns and hamlets of England combined and formed an alliance. Then it was felt that a new power had arisen. Without co-operation and combination the latent political forces,

of a people were of no avail. Their whole Parliamentary system was based on tho power of majorities. The philosophy of thjs system was to obtain polifial aggregates, whereas if they v.'orkrd on Hare's system they would fill Parliament with the representatives of a lot of cliques. He contended for the present bill that it would have the effect of politically educating the people, and without that was done it would be impossible to achieve any great political reform No doubt, the work of education would be slow, but he dreaded those clean-sweep reforms, as they were rarely lasting. It would be unreasonable to expect that they could jump at once to perfection in the way of electoral reform, and it would be a bad day for the colony if they deferred dealing with the question till such time as they thought they could deal with the question in a final manner. He saw no cause for alarm in the proposed extension of the franchise. The thing was inevitable, and must arrive shortly, no matter what party was in power. So long as a large section of the public were unrepresented there would be mutteriugs of discontent and demands for reform. Some people said the bill did not go far enough, that it did not graut manhood suffarge, pure and simple, but he would asu them what class of men were unable to obiain the franchise? JNone, except the newlyarrived immigrant. He believed no measure emanating from Parliament dealt with iho franchise in so wide a manner, whether as regarded men or women ; all the latter, who were ratepayers, would have a vote in the same way as they had under the municipal laws. He objected to Dr Wallis's view of the subject, as going too far. If the bill became law he believed it would be found to work well and give satisfaction, at any rate until such time as the question of franchise to women became a burning question. The fact of allowing ladies to vote, he believed, would have a great influence in causing election gatherings to be more orderly than at present. .As to more representation he believed it would be wise to retain for the present the special Maori vote. Probably they might increase the number of Maori representatives.

Mr Wbitaker said he would not oppose the second reading, but he considered the bill open to a number of very serious objections. He objected, first of all, to what it did and what it did not do. What it did it did not do thoroughly. It seemed to be the work of many minds, and altogether was a timid production. The machinery, too, was unnecessarily complex. The system of qua'ification was altogether too complicated. He thought the franchise should be reduced to a simple residential one. He would not go fully into the question then, as he intended to reserve himself till he introduced bis own bill on the same subject, and he ventured 1o say that members would find his bill to deal with the question more simply, more effectually, and more inexpensively than the bill before them. It appeared to him they ought to have provided for native elections—they gave natives an advantage over Europeans by allowing them two votes, while Europeans had but one, and could not vote at native elections. It also appeared to him that an essential principle of a democratic constitution was the representation of minorities. He hoped the House would permit the Attorney-General's bill and his (Mr Whitaker's) bill to go to a select committee. They had an excellent opportunity of dealing with the whole question in a financial manner, and without party feeling in the matter. Mr Joyce said that if the expectations of the colony had been realised, a much simpler and shorter bill, with, loss expensive machinery, would have been brought down. There was no principle in the bill at all. He was sorry it perpetuated the pernicious system of numbering ballotpapers. Why did the Government not bring down a manhood suffrage at once ? In a.colony like this manhood suffrage need be no cause of alarm. As to the female franchise, he thought it would be time enough to consider the question when they had manhood suffrage, which as yet they did not have.

This day. la the debate on the Electoral Bill last night, Mr Joyce was followed by

Mr DeLautour, who strongly supported the Bill. JNo doubt it was not perfect, but such a thing as a perfect Bill had never been known. He argued against Hare's Bill as being less likely to benefit the public than the present. H are's system had this fatal objection : under it the young men of the Colony would never be afforded an opportunity of being brought before the public. Under it they could never expect to see such young Ministers in office as now graced the Government benches, and he and many others were j-roud to see them there. He taunted the late Government with having neglected their opportunity when in office to bring down a measure of electoral reform, and they should not now oppose the present Government because it had the honesty and manliness to grapple with the question. If the proposals embodied in the bill of the member for Waikato were adopted, the effect would be that only men who had made their mark—such men as the member for Waikato and the member for New Plymouth—would be elected, but it was necessary the young men should have a chance, because they could not expect the aged always with them, and more especially now as they no longer had the political nurseries of provincial institutions.

Mr Wason supported the enfranchisement of women as a good feature of the Bill, but he objected to the further enfranchisement of Maoris, as being unfair to their European fellow-subjects. Botii races should be placed, upon an equal footing. He entirely concurred in the abolition of the miners' right vote. Mr Wakefield took a strong objection to the Bill, as it was not what the colony had been led to expect from the stumping speeches of the Premier. He was never tired of telling them that they should get manhood suffrage, and that no one man should have more than one vote ; and yet this bill perpetuated the very worst feature of tho present system, by allowing plurality of voting. Why, he knew of several districts in the colony the elections of which could bo carried by absentee voters, who had only to put in an appearance by train; and ill one place of cot more than seven hundred inhabitants there were nearly double that number of votes. This failing to keep promises induced a feeling of distrust in all Government measures.

Mr Moss said if tlte bi>l did not quite meet the views of the House, why not amend it in Committee, aud not draw a

red herring across the scent, which he considered was wh.sf. the bill of the member for Waikato would do. He was opposed to Hare's system, as destructive of all political life, and only calculated to create a parliament composed of whimsicalities. Still ho thought Hare's system could be applied to municipal government beneficially, as only questions relating to property were discussed in those places. Bir George Grey moved the acljournm nt of the debate till Tuesday next, and Houso rose at 11.40 p.m.