PARLIAMENTARY.

Thames Guardian and Mining Record, Volume I, Issue 278, 29 August 1872, Page 3

PARLIAMENTARY.

CONTINUATION OF DEBATE ON MR STAFFORD’S WANT OF CONFIDENCE MOTION. Carringlon admitted that the administration had been to a certain extent unsatisfactory, but that this was inseparable from the initiation of such a scheme. After duo inquiry and consideration, and with some professional knowledge of the difficulties in the way he was satisfied that the Government had done all it could, and more than lie expected. He and the Taranaki Native Board agreed with the policy as to the unalieuated portion of the confiscated lands. Bryce strongly condemned the Government administration of public ' works, instancing those in his own district, where bridges had been put up with no roads or approaches. He also opposed the Waitara Railway reserve, for roads referred to in the Public Works statement. The roads were utterly impassable. He should vote for the resolution, as he could not countenance the political gambling. Bluett said the only reason for tho motion was, that the outs wanted to get into office by a change of Government. Now this would bo to knock the scheme on the head and ruin the country. He would not, to gratify a small band of dissatisfied beings, sacrifice the welfare of the country.

Rolloston quoted Stuart Mill’s speech in support of the principles of local administration. The Government should have had practical experience, all the result they had to show for their scheme was in Canterbury, where works were done with the assistance of the Provincial Government. . The Ministry had shown a want of ability in administration, and the members did not work in concert. It was a political monstrosity for one man to be treasurer, postmaster, general administrator of finance, and the maker of gigantic contracts for the colony, which was really becoming governed by departmental autocracy. The responsibility in reference to Brogden’s affairs rested solely with the Ministry, and the present contracts for £BOO,OOO would in reality amount to more than a million promised to Brogden. Besides, these contracts exceeded the authorised amounts by £120,000. What was termed the rolling stock contract really was to give Brogden 5 per cent, for writing his name, and doing the Agent-General’s work. He complained more of what was done than of what was left undone in Canterbury. The Government’s idea of immigration was the bringing people in anyhow from anywhere. Shaw, Saville, and Co.’s Canterbury service had been altogether unsatisfactory. But the Agent-General should not have let the shipping contract without completion. McLean’s attitude on the native question was an attempt to make it overpower all other considerations and traverse the real issue. If this ’was tried, either native affairs would have to be removed beyond the pale of tho General Administration and Parliamentary action, and a kind of Native Brogden set up, or else the area of Constitutional Government would have lo be limited. McLean was making a strong point in favour of separation. What the couutry wanted was legislative and administrative reform —a definition of the powers, duties, and responsibilities of the central and local authorities, so as to run in parallel grooves without collision ; also, definition of finance, stating where to stop borrowing, and giving Provinces and Road Boards some certainty as to means. Reform in the Civil Service and the system of opening contracts was also required. Notwithstanding Vogel’s earnestness, great ability, and honesty of purpose, he personified all that was reckless and mischievous in his administration, and it was one of the greatest evils that had ever befallen the country. Fox was only nominally Premier, and was in the hands of McLean and Vogel. He had falsified all the promises on which he took office. Of Reeves, since he joined the Ministry, he, as Superintendent, had no reason to complain. He did not, however, fear that even two or three Vogels would ruin the country. Richardson said that the House was responsible for the Brogdea contracts, and must have known when resolving to give works to the extent of a million than they would cost them if done by public tender. As a professional man, Mr Reeve’s explanation of Reid’s charges had not quite satisfied him. He therefore obtained an introduction to the Chief Engineer, and after a full investigation, he could state advisedly, that assuming surveys and quantities to be correct, the prices given Brogden were exceedingly fair and veiy reasonable —as low, if not lower, than any work done in the colony, either by provinces or road-boards. He thought that if Ministers had only travelled about more they never would have included some of the present lines in the Railway Schedules. Time was necessary to make real substantial progress in large works. One control was also essential, and he never consented to place the administration in the hands of provinces, as experience in , Canterbury showed that many petty local jealousies and squabbles took place before work was commenced. It had usually been forced through in a hurry, and at an extra cost of fully 25 per cent., while probably the contractors made more than they would have done at a proper price. He would never countenance divided control in the matter, and in more than one instance, when the Government had taken ndvautage of the services of Provincial officers, it had been led largely astray.

Johnston supported the resolutions on account of wasteful extravagance and mal-administration.

Peacock thought it would have been better if the Government had last session adhered to Brogden’s No. 2 contract; but why this was not done was mainly owing to the Opposition. He did not believe in Stafford’s Provincial professions, and would not vote for the resolutions.

Sir David Munro moved an adjournment.

Sir David Munro resumed the debate. He had long been satisfied that the affairs of the Coiony were not satisfactorily managed ; but he did not think that they were in such a state of muddle until he had heard the evidence adduced during the present debate. Irregular as Mr Vogel’s conduct was in delivering the Budget in the face of the vote of want of confidence, it might be compared to Mr McLean’s conduct in announcing the intentions in native matters of the Ministry, which probably had only a few days to live. He must have known that in doing so the importance which the natives attach to his word would seriously compromise and embarrass his successors. ■ Whatever changes took place, however, no reversal of the peace policy was possible, nor was any reversal of the public works policy, although he believed that this policy would result in the Colony being a heavy loser. He then gave a history of the Government policy, contrasting it _ unfavourably with the public works policy of Victoria. Railways were being twisted about to suit the amount of money available, aud the Blenheim line would be a disgrace to the colony, as the origin of this false economy. By Brogden’s contracts the colony lost alike the advantages of employment of small contractors, and also the employment of largo capitalists. Brogden ran no risk, and the colony even bought rails for him. The Government had grossly abused its power of patronage, and had inculcated the lesson that the avenue to advancement and profit lay through the door of political prostitution. Servile political dishonesty was a worse evil than drunkenness, and a Permissive Bill was required to protect the truth and honour of political honesty. He drew a similar picture to Rolleston’s of Messrs Fox and Vogel, and denied that Stafford had any desire to take office. Taking office was not compatible with his personal arrangements, and ho had only consented to come forward on earnest pressure. In conclusion, ho urged the House .to forget the past and to rise above _ a spirit "of party contention to a sense of its duty to the country, and to place the administration of affairs in other hands. Luckie referred at length to Stafford’s past policy as affording a reason why lie and his friends slrould wish to wipe out the past, and now that the present Government had put things right after his own mismanagement,he should endeavour again to get office. He defended, the action of the Government in re Mr Brogden, as having been forced on by the House last Session. He referred to various instances of inisinangement in the Nelson affairs by the Provincial Government, especially as regards the sale of debentures last year at 92 or 93, when Vogel could have sold them at £lO4. lie appealed to the House to save the country from a repetition of these evils which grew so rapidly under Mr Stafford’s former administration. White quoted from Fox’s no-confidence speech in 1869 as being very applicable to the present situation. He accused the Government of abuse of patronage, to which that of the Duffy Ministry was a mere flea bite, instancing the Board of Works’ Bill of last session as a mode of appealing to self-interest and cupidity of members. He said Westland had been plundered by present Government finance. [Still speaking].