THE Temuka Leader. TUESDAY, JULY 24, 1894. ELECTIVE EXECUTIVE.

Temuka Leader, Issue 2689, 24 July 1894, Page 2

THE Temuka Leader. TUESDAY, JULY 24, 1894. ELECTIVE EXECUTIVE.

The Bill introduced by the Hon. Major Steward provides that immediately after each general election, "so soon as the House of Representatives shall have elected a Speaker, the members thereof shall proceed to elect five Minister and one Executive Councillor without Ministerial office," and the Legislative Council " shall elect one Minister and one Councillor without Ministerial office." If more than eight Ministers are nominated the election is to be conducted by the Speaker by ballot, and when the result is made known the names of the Ministers are to be submitted to the Governor for his approval. If the Governor disapproves of any of the Ministers that one is discarded, and another Minister is elected in his stead. In passing, we may say that this provision should not appear in the Bill. It is an acknowledgment of the right of the Governor to override the acts of the Houses of Parliament, and should under no circumstances be tolerated. No earthly power ought to have the right to veto the acts of the representatives of the people, but as we are opposed to the whole measure we shall not discuss this point at a greater length now. When the Governor has signified his approval of the elected Ministers these shall then form a Government, and shall exercise all the powers, privileges, and duties of Ministers as at present constituted. The firat thing they Bhall do is to elect a Premier from amongst their own number, but he shall only be eligible for office for twelve months. The position of Premier is made a rolling one, as no one can hold it more than twelve months. This is another very bad provision, and can result only in demoralising the Cabinet. No better way of creating dissension amongst Ministers could be invented. The Executive thus elected and re constructed shall remain in office during the life of the then existing Parliament but one or all of them may resign, or> may be ballotted out. Twenty members of the Lower House, or twelve of the Upper House, may at any time requisition the Speaker of either chamber to hold a ballot with the view of removing from office any of, or all, the Ministers, when, if they are ballotted out, new Ministers are elected in their stead. Parliament shall not be dissolved except with the consent of the House )f Representatives. This measure was one of the planks of Sir Robert Stout's election platform, and we believe that a large number of members are in favor of it, but, notwithstanding all this, we cannot regard it as otherwise than a dangerous experiment. In the first place, it destroys Party Government, but we believe a great many people will regard this as a blessing. Party Government has undoubtedly many sins to answer for, but we feel certain its virtues will more then counterbalance them. Government by party in the sense we uuderstand it is hardly more than 100 years old, and England probably is the only country in which it has developed to perfection. It cannot be said that America is governed by party, neither is Germany, but it can be said that corruption runs riot in both. Up to the time of the introduction of the party system into Eugland the government of Great Britain was as corrupt as it could be, but ever since politics have been undergoing a process of purification, until now charges of wrong-doing brought against a Minister is a thing unheard of. It stands to reason that it must be so. Party Government sets one set of men watching another set, and offers them the prize of office if they succeed in detecting wrong-doing. Under Party Government the Ministers of the Crown know that there are others watching all their movements. They know that if they deviate from the path of rectitude they will be exposed, and consequently they will be careful to keep their hands clean, and carry out all their transactions in a manner that can bear the strictest scrutiny. This is calculated to purify politics and prevent corruption. On the principle of setting a thief to catch a thief, therefore, we are in favor of Party Government. Again, let us look at; the progress made during the 100 years that we have had party Government. This, too, is natural. The two parties are runniog for the prize of office, and if one goes a step in advance of its rival the other is bound to put on a spurt and take the lead. For instance, on several occasions the Liberals of England have advocated certain measures, which tbfi Conservatives have opposed, but in the end the Consernatives have passed them. They fouud they could not retain office without doing bo'. Thus it js that by getting up rival parties we get pure, honest administration, as well -<» urogress. " Now le * ua * oo k a * * ne P ro P oaa ' 8 * u Major Steward's «Ul. The Premier is to hold office only for l2 .months, be he ever so able; and the Government as a whole cannot be turned out of office except by a vote taken by ballot. We object to the ballot system bfling introduced into Parliament. We want to know how our representatives vote, and if they have not backbone enough to vote openly on all questions thoy had better stay at home. But that is not the most important matter. The Government is elected, and in all probability Conservatives as well as Liberals would find themselves sitting side by side on the Ministerial benches. We should in all probability find Sir Robert Stout, Mv Seddon, and Captain Russell in a Ministry thus elected. Now oil aud wator would mix as readily as these threo gentlomeu ; the homogeneity of the Cabinet would be gone, each Minister would act independently "f the other, they would be for over clashing at every point, a-id a Ministerial policy would be impossible. Then the moment a. Minister is elected naturally ho will try to retain his position as long m« possible. H<>w is ho to do it.' By doing everything members ask him, and to do this he must rosart to wastofulness, extravagance, and corruption. And who is to criticise him? Is it the mewtier? whom ho has obliged I No There would bo no ono to say " You did wrongiu doing this or jjha.t for me." Woare convinced that the propose* system is bad and vicious, and wo trust it will kiot, bo adopted by Parliament. As WO cannut discuss tlio subject fully in this article wo shall return again to it in a future issue.

THE DIVISION OF THE COUNTY. We learn from Wellington that there is a movement on foot to tack the Temuka Road District on to the Levels, and make the whole constitute a new county. We are informed that if this is agreed to the Levels County Bill will be passed by Parliament. This is the information which we have received, and we warn the people of Temuka that it is time to stir in the matter. The position is: The Geraldine and Mount Peel districts want to separate from the remainder of the county, and they have a wily, persistent, and energetic advocate in Mr Maalin. The Levels district wants to form a county of its own, and has its representative in Mr Hall Jones. Both ends of the district are, therefore, ably represented in Parliament, but Temuka is left out in the cold for the very reason that Temuka has placed Mr Flatman between two fires, and tied up his hands. The Levels people demand from him that he, as their representative, shall assist in passing the Levels County Bill; the Temuka people, by the resolution passed at the recent meeting, demanded that he should prevent the Levels County Bill becoming law. Thus Mr Flatman is placed between two fires, and thus Temuka is left friendless in Parliament. Now in consequence of this there is great danger that between Messrs Maslin and Hall Jones Temuka will be tacked on to the Levels County; that the Temuka Road Board will be abolished; that we shall be completely governed from Timaru,and, as the Levels will have two-thirds of the members, we shall be governed very badly. If Temuka is tacked on to the Levels the Temuka Road Board is bound to be abolished, because it would not do to have two rating bodies in one part of the county while only one existed in the other part. The people of the Temuka Road District mußt go to work at once to stop this, and the first step is to withdraw all opposition to the separation of the Levels. We have said before that there is greater daDger in resisting the separation of the Levels thau in letting it go, and here is an instance of it. Who would not let the Levels go a hundred times sooner than be tacked on to it, and have our road board abolished 1 Let us let the Levels go, for by doing so Mr Flatman will then be in a position to fight our battle. He can then support the Bill to constitute the Levels County and oppose the inclusion of Temuka in it, but at present he is placed between two fires, and consequently cannot do anything. Juat at this moment the report of the meeting at Geraldine has reached us, and we find that the position is just as stated above. It will do anyone good to read Mr Maslin's letter, and mark the manner in which he cautions the Geraldine people against possible oposition from Temuka. The result of the meeting at Geraldine, however, is calculated to Bpoil Mr Maslin'b little game. The Geraldine people have declared their opposition to the Levels County Bill passing, and also to Temuka being included in the Levels. The Geraldine meeting has brightened the prospects of Temuka greatly, but at the same time we think that steps should be taken at once, lest Mr Maslin may steal a march on them yet.