The Temuka Leader SATURDAY, APRIL 30, 1887. THE POLITICAL SITUATION.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1575, 30 April 1887, Page 2

The Temuka Leader SATURDAY, APRIL 30, 1887. THE POLITICAL SITUATION.

According to the rumois which several correspondents have circulated from Wellington, efforts will be made by the Opposition to turn the Ministry out of office on the first favorable opportunity. Before we can fully realise what the effect of such a course would bs, it is necessary that we should first understand the exact position of affairs. On the 4th of August next the present Parliament will ceass to exist, and there must be a general election immediately after that date, because the members were elected only for three years, and their term will then have expired. It is, therefore, not worth while to tnrn the Ministry out in the meantime. But this is not the most serious matter. In December next the present Representation Act will expire, and it is necessary that a new measure shall be put in its place, If the Ministry are beaten now, and an appeal is made to the country before (be

Representation Bill becomes law, th 6 result will be that we shall have two sessions and two elections this year. It is perhaps better to explain how this could occur. Supposing the Ministry were beaten, and they obtained a dissolution, the result would be a general election. Parliament would in that case meet so as to ascertain which party bad Won, and as the Representation Act expires in December a new Act would have to be passed to replace it. The passing of a new Representation and Distribution of Seats Act would, of course, necessitate another election, because it would be bound to make great alterations in the boundaries of present constituencies. For instance, it is expected that the South Island will lose five or six members and the North Island will gain them. The constituency of Gladstone, it is said, will be cutup, and divided between Geraldine, Timarn, and Waimate, It is obvious, therefore, if there is a readjustment of seats, that it must be followed by a general election, and this would give ns two sessions and two elections this year. There is, so far as we can see, only one danger threatening the Ministry—and that is, the Representation Bill

introduced by Sir Robert Stoat. That measure is as, honest and as good an effort to deal with a very difficult question as it would be possible to put forth, but it does not suit several members, and consequently it is probable that the Ministry will come to grief on it. For instance, Mr Sutter got instructions from his constituents to use every means hi his power to prevent the electoral district of Gladstone being wiped off the map; Mr Bryce, in th# North IslamJ, received from his constituents a similar mandate, and wherever a proposal has been made to abolish any constituency it has been the same. It is obvious, therefore, that these representatives must resist to the uttermost any pro-

posal which has for its object their own extinction and the abolition of their electoral district. People talk glibly of the desirability of reducing the number of members, and yet if we were told that Geraldine was to be.wiped off the map wo should be up in arms from end to end of the district to preserve our political entity. It is idle to talk of reducing the number of members ; the people will not have it; their representatives will not vote for it, and it cannot be done. The difficulty that has arisen is that on the population basis the North Island is entitled to more members, and these must be taken from the South Island, unless the number of members is increased. If South Island electoral districts were allowed to remain as they are, and a few more members given to the North Island, the difficulty would be got over, but Sir Robert Stout is determined nut to increase the number of members. His proposal takes away from the South Island such increase of members as the North Island is entitled to, and this course is alienating from him some of his staunchest supporters. If the Government go to the country on this point they ought to be supported to the uttermost extent, because their mode of dealing with the vexed question of representation is certainly the best that could be suggested. If we are to believe the theory that history repeats itself, we cannot refuse to admit the possibility of a dissolution and an appeal to the country. In 1884, when Parliament was within three or four months of a dissolution by the effluxion of time, as is the case at present, members voted for turning Ministers out of office, in consequence of which there was a general election, two sessions—and two honorariums. The members who pocketed two honorariums then would probably not hesitate to play the same trick over again for the sake of the perquisites attached to it. It is very nice to get two years’ honorariums for one year’s work, and the men who pocketed doable pay in 1884 wonld doubtless not hesitate to do the same thing in 1887. The law has, however, been cbangad since, and now they can only receive half of the usual honorarium for the second session, which would amount to £lO5 each. There is another reason why they may force a dissolution, By rushing suddenly to the country they feel that they will have the best chance of re-slection, as opponents will not be so well prepared as they would after next August. The people ought to watch closely the action of their representatives, and to mark anyone who votes for turning the Ministry out of office at tbs present juncture as unfit to be trusted again. The Ministry have held office for three years and are fit to remain in office three months longer, and to turn them oat in the meantime must be put down to a desire on the part of their opponents to secure doable pay.