MR POSTLETHWAITE’S ADDRESS.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1114, 5 June 1883, Page 3

MR POSTLETHWAITE’S ADDRESS.

As'briefly noticed in our last issue, Mr Postlethwaite, M.H.R., addressed his constituents at Geraldine, last Friday evening. The hall was crowded, and the speaker was listened to with the greatest attention. About twenty minutes past seven o’clock Mr Postlethwaito said he had not asked any one to act as his Chairman, He now invited the meeting to elect one. Mr R. S. Cook was then chosen Chairman, who briefly claimed for the speaker a fair hearing, Mr Postletliwaite on coining forward was received with loud applause, and after briefly intimating the object for winch he had invited them to meet him,he said he did not expect to please everyone, and if he did he would occupy a very peculiar position in the House of Representatives. He would speak plainly and decidedly, and if he should say anything which might offend the ears of anyone he trusted his words would be taken in the same friendly spirit in which they were delivered. Fifteen months ago when asked whether he would go to one side of the House or the other, he distinctly told them that he reserved his decision on that point until he had judged which side was for the good of the country. For the first six weeks of the session, as they could see in Hansard, he recorded his votes not as a 1 party man, but according to his judgement on the measures placed before him. At the request of one of the Oppositionists he attended one of their caucus meetings, with the understanding that in doing so he did not pledge himself to join their party. The discussion went on until it came to the questions as to who should bo leader and what should bo the policy of the party, and one honorable gentleman—be would not mention names who had taken a high stand in the political arena, asked those present to forego their ideas on this point and assist in removing the men holding the reins of office, and after doing that to meet again to decide who should be their leader and what should be their policy. This immediately decided him as to which side of the House he should join. He could never be a party to the removal of a body of men who had done fairly well in the country by a party who could not tell who was their leadei nor what policy they had to offer the country. (Cheers.) From this out he recorded bis vote for the Government as a party man whenever he could do so conscientiously. If a member wished to have any weight in the House, if he wished to do what was right and just towards the country, he must make up his mind to follow one party or the other, or else he would be a nonentity in the House and in the country also, (Hear, hear.) Though a Government supporter, if they referred to the division lists they would find that on two or three occasions he withdrew his support, because he thought that the measures introduced were not conducive to the welfare of the colony. As he proceeded he would point put the measures referred to, and explain his reasons, and he felt confident they would say he was justified in the action he took. He had lately read in an English paper a part graph about the treatment of their representatives by colonists. It was said that the first y«ar the constituents idolised their member ; in the second year they criticised him ; and in the third year they scandalised him. Ho considered the first year’s treatment as objectionable as the last. Fair criticism, however, was a good and proper thing, but it should be pure criticirm, and then no man need be afraid of what he was doing. But there was that in the colony which was not criticism in any sense—it was bullyism, if he might so term it, and it was this which caused so many good men to leave the House, A representative must be free and independent to act as he thought best, otherwise he would bo like a general sent to battle instructed to fight in such and such a way. Where should we be now if England had always dictated to her generals how they were to fight their battles? So should representatives be left free and untrammelled. He must say that probably no member went to Wellington with less restrictions put upon him than lie did himself, and he must thank his constituents for the forbearance shown. Little things had cropped up, and justly so, but if any one had a grievance, let him declare it openly, and not use that worst of bad m ans, anonymous writing. (Hear, heir.) He could pretty well guess who

were the writers he referred to, and he

should say there was something of selfish interest in the spirit that dictated their writings. (Hear, hear.) A question which no doubt had exercised their minds was the North Island Loan question. When asked whether he would be party to further borrowing, he had told them that he was opposed to any expenditure that he considered unnecessary; but when he had explained his vote on that question, he thought they would see he was titled in the course he adopted. The North Island Loan question was made the subject of a no confidence motion by the Opposition. If a man was a party man he must stick to his party, but he had a better reason for voting in the way he did. Eight or nine million acres of the finest lands in the colony were to be opened up. An honorable gentleman, high in the ranks of the Opposition, told him he had received a letter from the King of the Natives saying that he was prepared to allow the railway to pass through his land, and that he would almost make the railway. The million of money would not be be locked up, a quid pro ([uo would be obtained for it. When the proper time came the Native Minister 'would make such a proposition to the natives, that he would get sufficient land to provide even the full amount of the loan. These were his reasons for voting for the North Island trunk line loan. (Applause.) The other, the three million loan, would have been raised, no matter what Government was on the Benches. So opposed was he to borrowing that the first time he met the Colonial Treasurer ho told him that whatever position he took up he would oppose the loan. He had made up his mind that he would vote against the loan, and the division lists showed that he had done so. The Opposition said they would only raise half a million, but he knew too much for such promises. Sir George Grey spent five millions without the House being consulted,and what guarantee was there that the Opposition would not do so again. At the caucus meeting directly the loan was mooted members met to discuss how they should deal with their portion, and many of them after having said they did not want a loan, quickly put that opinion in their pockets when they found the loaves and fishes were coming. Though naturally a shy man. he rose and said, ,( Gentlemen, this reminds me of my younger days, when I played the game of grab.” He could not imagine he was sitting amongst men who should be politicians and statesmen when he saw each man holding out his hand grabbing for what he could got. He would always be opposed to grabbing what could not be used or expended in a reproductive way, and his vote on the North Island loan bore out this. It was perfectly legitimate to open up that country for for j population, and by introducing population the burden of taxation on the Middle Island would be relieved. The demands made at the caucus meetings were very different, and it would have needed not one but five millions a year to satisfy them, He did all he could to crush the borrowing, and, failing in that, ho only put in a claim for £25,000 for the construction of a railway from Temuka to Hilton. He did not venture to ask for more, for he knew if he asked for a larger sum there would be no chance of getting any. The petitions he had received, he he did not present alone, but got the able assistance of Captain Sutter and the Hon Mr A eland, and they backed him up as to the right of this district as far as grabbing went. It had been circulated in the district that he was absent from his post when the question of dividing the loan came forward, and ho mentioned these things to show that he was in his place and took an active part in the discussion. He w»s even appointed a member of the Committee by the caucus meeting, and the reason the claim was not allowed was that not a line got a sixpence, except such lines as required extension to make them remunerative to the colony. When he addressed them on the last occassion, he stated that the indebtedness of the colony, private, local and Governmental, was in round numbers fifty millions. He now suv from the statement made by the Colonial Treasurer during his recent tour, that it was forty-seven million, five per cent on that sum would be £5,350,000, a large amount to be extracted from the pockets of ihe people alone. Besides there was some fifteen million borrowed within the colony, of which a good proper tion no doubt was foreign capital. With snch large demands every year for interest they must be very cautious to avoid becoming bankrupt. He might bo looked upon as a croaker, and some of his anoyrnons friends said he never made a speech public without alluding to rates and taxes, and “ hid it on thick.” As regarded local Bills he took very warm interest in the Counties and Road Hoard Bills, because he saw how necessary it was there should be some alteration in connection with local affairs. Previous to last session the Government sent round to the various local bodies for answers to guide them in maturing their Bills. The answers differed very much. In some places the Road Boards did efficient work, and the County Council was not required , in others the County Councils were wanted and not Road Boards. It was therefore impossible to frame u measure to suit all parts of tbe colony. The new Bill, however, was calculated to

meet most views. A few figures regarding the Geraldine County Council would show how very much more important it was to give extended powers to Road Boards than to continue the present system of County Councils, A return of the accounts of the Geraldine County Council for the year ended 31st March, 1882, showed Management, £257 13s 4d; other expenditure, £205 Os 8d ; total, £402 14s. Total receipts for year, £l3lß 19s 5d ; expended upon public works, £l7B 3s 5d ; granted to Road Boards, £1268 12s 2d , total expenditure, £1446 15s 7d. The greater portion of the receipts was handed to a Road Board to deal with, so that as far as the County Council was concerned all they had to do was to hand over the funds to the Board. All the Council expended themselves was £l7B 3s sd, and to do this it cost the ratepayers of the district £462 14s, Last year the accounts were of the same style, only more so. The expenses of management was £522 15s ; £4OOO was granted to Road Boards, and £BO was expended on charitable aid ; total, £4632 15s. Of the revenue £3609 4s 2d was received from Government, and from other sources £1837 17s lid, making a total of £5447 2s id, and the difference between receipts and expenditure left a balance of £Bl4 in the Bank. The County Council themselves expended £BO in charitable aid, and it cost the ratepayers £562 15s to do it. This required no further remarks. The new Acts gave facilities for abolishing the County Councils, and for giving extended powers to the Road Boards, It now rested with the ratepayers to say whether they would make use of these facilities. If the County Council were abolished the Road Boards would have increased powers. He took a good deal of trouble over these Bills, and was for days with the Crown Solicitor preparing them. The Rating Bill was a very good one, as under it all paid a uniform rate. He thought the Government valuation a fair one, because if all were taxed upon a fair scale or basis, there could be no injustice done. The Native and Crown Lands Eating Bill was an act of justice, because up to this time Native lands never contributed in any way to local rates. The Natives would now have to pay rates when their lands were within five miles of a road. The Natives did not see why they should be taxed when they had hitherto been excused, but when the law was passed they were quite prepared to pay, and admitted that it was just. From his experience of the Native race—and he was a member of the Native Committee —ho should say that he never saw any body of men more prepared to do justice than the Maoris ; and if the Europeans had been as just in their dealings with the Maoris they would not have had the difficulties they now had in dealing with them. (Applause.) While speaking of the Natives he would say that he believed Mr Bryce by his firmness had saved the country from a war, and had saved thousands and thousands of pounds. (Applause.) The sugar-and-blanket policy was rotten to the core, and had Mr Bryce been at the head of the Native Department years ago, the North Island would have been fully settled now. While sitting on the Native Committee he had an opportunity of seeing the true state of Native affairs. When Mr Bryce spoke in the House he said what he really meant, and he never said anything but what he intended to stink to. That was one of the grandest points in a public man. If a man was always veering round he was sure to fall into mireThe Maoris had been treated harshly and cruelly by many Europeans. Four years ago he saw, at OHnemutu, Europeans trying to get land from the Maoris, not by fair dealing, but by the use of the grog bottle, and he determined then that if ever thv opportunity was given him he would fight in any and every way against such a diabolical use of drink, and to made it his first duty to put a stop to such villainous practices. If the system was allowed to continue, the Maoris would become some of the greatest of paupers in the colony, and would have to be supported by a rate of some sort or other. Although they were shrewd and intelligent, they were not able to cope with European land sharks, and they would have to be protected. The land Act brought forward by Mr Rolleston, providing for leasing Crown lands, would have been admirable had not certain clauses been been inserted by the Legislative Assembly, which in a great measure upset the whole of the Act. Leasing w.ts the best way of utilising the lands of the colony—(Hear, hear)—and the day would come when it would be found that too much of the public estates had been alienated. Men would find that if they had gone into leaseholds at the end of thirty years they would have been in a better position than if they had freeholds (Hear, hear.) In the north of England county he came from he noticed number* of small estates of 50 to 100 acres, passing out of the hands of yeomen, who sold out one by one because they found large proprietors willing to give such prices as the purchasers could only expect to receive one and a half per cent for, and with the proceeds the yeomen could take larger farms and make five per cent on the money. He was convinced the leasing System was the right one, and ho assisted in a quiet way, The speaker then condemned members who took too much

time in talking, stating that one man who

might have been a power in the House caused members to clear out when he spoke He next read the 38th clause of the Land Bill inserted by the Legislative Council which gave a right to purchase after six years. The Bill at first proposed to allow anybody to take up 640 acres of Crown Land on lease and if that had been adhered to, it would have had a great effect on the futuie prosperity of the colony. If they went on selling the lands where was the revenue to come from in the future ? the revenue must come from the land in some shape or other. He next referred to a report issued by two gentlemen appointed by the New South Wales Government to make a report upon the subject of leasing and selling lands, and they recommended that leasing was preferable to selling. A man could take up 640 acres at a rental ot 5 per cent on a capital value, and was not that much better than to lock up the whole of his capital in 100 acres, and then have to borrow money to work his land 1 At the end of thirty years he would be in a much better position. A great many freeholds were advertised for sale, not because the holder wanted to part with them, but because h* could hold them no longer. So long as he remained in the Assembly, he would vote against the alienation of lands, unless very strong reasons were given for it. But alienation and nationalisation were too very different things. Some time ago he read in an Otago paper a paragraph reporting what Mr Barron, Member for Caversham, had said at a meeting in Dunedin—at which Mr Green, M.H.R., was Chairman—about Land Nationalisation. He then read the paragraph in which Mr Bairon was reported to have said that the best solution of the difficulty was* to levy a heavy tax on land, and not to admit that it had uevsr been alienated. What effect would this have upon the capitalist at Home ? What effect would it have upon those who were coming here to make their homes? Would people come hero to buy land and settle down if men could go to the House and say, “ We never sold that land, and we want it back again ?’ The leasing question and the nationalisation of the lana were two different things. He was an advocate for not alienating the land, but he did not approve of nationalising it. It would be downright robbery. The men who had come here and purchased their estates were as much entitled to them as the merchant or professional man were to -their stores and offices, and if one were to be made to give up his property the other ought to be made to jive uphiealso. There was no man raoro wrapped up in the welfare of the colony than Mr Rolleston. Whatever he had done he had done be* lieving it to be right; and more than that, he was one of those who had not enriched himself at the cost of the people. When, therefore, a man was kicked in the way the Honorable Minister of Lands had been, it was the duty of everyone who knew differently to express his opinion on the subject. Ho did so now, and said there were few men in the House like Mr Rolleston (Hear, hear.) As to the West Coast Railway, his opinion was that it was premature. There were no lands worth having to bo opened up ; the principal traffic would be in timber and coal, which could be more cheaply carried by sea ; and it would cost nearer two millions than one to construct the line. The Engineer to a private company stated that the line would not pay fo the grease for the wheels. He was alsop opposed to the East Coast line, It was all very well to talk of connecting the two Islands, but the land in the North was nearly all taken up, the line would open up very little Crown land, and it could not increase the trade of the colony No one would undertake a tedious journej by rail from Christchurch to Nelson and then have to take a steamer across Cook’s Straits, when they could step into a steamer, at Lyttelton and be spared all further trouble. He had supported the extension of the Albury line to Silverstream, as it would open up a large country, and as the Albury line was one of the best paying lines in the colony now ; and he opposed the Mount Somers line, believing that line should not have been made at all, but as it was only for four mile* it did not make much difference. At first he opposed the Otago Centra) line, having been given to understand that there was very little land of any value along the route, but upon enquiry he found that there was a large tract of Crown lands which would be made available if the line were constructed. The land must be settled, and facilities for settlement must be provided, and he now was of opinion the hue would be a profitable one. Some who had stumped the country on the cry, The laud for people, 1 ' were the very men to vote against the leasing Bill, If it was good for them to settle on freeholds, —it would he better still for them to settle on leaseholds, and retain their capital to work with. Referring to bankruptcy he thought t hat men must learn to do business in a different way ; must learn not to do business with those who were rash, or who were not prepared to pay. No matter what the bankruptcy law might be, unless business men were cautious they would always have a cry for a new bankruptcy law. A new law was passed in England in 1861 which at the lime was thought to be a perfect cure for the disease, but in 1869

aujther was passed, and there was a new one to be introduced this session. He read extracts from romance on the subject made by Mr Chamberlain, which were to the effect that the main features of the new Bill would be an economical and honest administration of bankrupt estates with a view to speedy distribution amongst the creditors, and something to promote honest trading and lessen the number of failures. The principle features of the Bill was that there should be an enquiry into the cause of bankruptcy by an official amenable for his conduct to Parliament, After reading some further extracts, he stated that he expected that a Bill founded on the same principles would be introduced next session, and that he would give it his support. As regarded subsidies to local bodies he was opposed to it. While he was in Wellington ho urged strongly upen the Colonial Treasurer that the subsidy system was rotten to the core. In the North Island, on the West Coast, in the South, they would find districts without roads or bridges, and if the subsidy system was re-introduced, it would induce the people to rate themselves for the sake of getting the subsidies and the poorer districts would reap the greatest benefits, well-to-do district like Geraldine would lose, while other districts, which comparatively speaking were in a state of poverty, would gain great benefits. He had no faith in the Colonial Treasurer’s Insurance scheme. The population was a moving one, and the sums required for each young man and woman were more than they could easily pay. (Hear, hear). A pauper class was rising in the colony, and he believed a rate upon property of some kind would have to be resorted to, to hi raised and dealt with by local bodies, There would be no sense in collecting money from the people, taking it to Wellington, and then sending it back for distribution by local bodies. The local bodies could much better rate themselves, and so maintain those who needed assistance. As for imagining that sufficient charitable aid would flow from charitable people, ho was afraid they would have to live a long while before they saw enough charitable people to maintain the poor in the colony. He next referred to a discussion raised on the salaries of railway employees. He condemned such discussions as mischievous. If Ministers were not able to deal with such details they ought to be turned out of office. When it was known that each night’s sitting cost about £SOO it would be seen that it would be a costly matter to talk about the salaries of officials. Eight hours was acknowledged throughout the colony as a fair working day, and, therefore, Mr Green must have introduced his Bill to enable him to talk to his constituents. He, however, took care to exempt household servants, because they were the only servants he employed, and if they were included, he would not ha ve been able to get his breakfast before halfpast eight. One member went so far as to say that no man should be allowed to work more than eight hours. The workman’s time was his capital, and he had a right to use it as he pleased, and therefore it would be unjust to put any restriction upon bis using it. He opposed this Bill eimply because it whs interfering with the liberty of the subject. A Christchurch paper had stated that he intended to resignHe had no intention of doing anything of the kind, and nothing would make him resign only the hand of God. Had he known the anxiety and hard work attached to it, he would not have gone, but as he was in he would stick there like a leech. Mr Postlethwaite then referred to the Road Board Elections. All the old members had been nominated, and Mr Tripp had come iorward to oppose him personally. He had been told that Mr Tripp stated that he was coming forward specially to contest the seat with himself, He would suggest that the four other candidates should be elected first, and then let the whole district decide between him* self and Mr Tripp. He then spok® at considerable length on the policy the Road Board had pursued in the past, the gist of which appeared in the report of the annual meeting of ratepayers, and again invited the electors to make the election a question of preference for himself or Mr Tripp.

Mr Pustlethwaite, after having spoken about two hours, sat down amidst applause. Mr Fox was proceeding to a«k Mr Postlethwaite a question about Peckl.am’s road but his utterances were lost in the noise and confusion with which lie was received.

Mr Postlethwaite declined to answer any, questions except those relat'ng to politics. In reply to Mr Coltman, he said that subsidies were derived from tbe consolidated revenue and from the borrowed

money. In reply to Mr W. Maslin, Mr Posilothwaite replied that he had dealt with the North Island railway loan, and objected to having to repeat his speech for one who had come in late.

Mr Swinton asked whether Mr Postletdiwuite was in favor of paying railway workmen according to their capabilities. He spoke at somp length of the way in which good men were dismissed out of the workshop, and “ duffers’’ not worth 6s a day put in their stead at 12* per day. These men had been put there on the recommendations of Members of the House,

and the foremen date not ref use m l.m® them, Mr Postlethwaite promised to look in'o the matter, and endeavor to remedy the evil. Mr Swinton said he might do so, but he could do very little good : very little notice would he taken of him.

In reply to Mr D. Mclllwraith, Mr Postlethwaite said he was pleased that he had asked the question as to whether he had absented himself from his post to attend a Road Board meeting. Ho intended to refer to the matter in his address, but forgot it There were many iu the room who knew perfectly well that he did not come down from Wellington to attend a Road Board meeting at all He came down to consult the members of the Road Board regard : ng the local Bills then before Parliament, and they devoted an entire day to them. He intended to return to Wellington the very next day, but several ratepayers, seeing him in Geraldine, pressed him to stay for the meeting of the Road Board, and he consented to do so. If they referred to the dat«s in Hansard they would fled that he was not absent when anything of particular interest to this district was going on. Mr Col (man : Were you absent from the House when (he three million loan was allocated to different places 1 Mr Postlethwaite ; Do you mean allocated by schedule, or by the caucus mooting ?

Mr (Joltman : By the caucus meeting ?

Mr Postlethwaite : I was present. I was a member of the Committee, and 1 put in a claim for £30,000. Mr G. Ward having risen to speak was received with deafening noise, which Mr Swinton immediately quelled by jumping on the platform, and called on the meeting to ‘behave like gentlemen.’ He then moved ‘ a vote of thanks and confidence in Mr Postlethwaite,’ Mr W. O. Andrews seconded the motion.

Mr Maslin moved as an amendment—- * That a vote of thanks bo tendered to Mr Postlethwaite.’ He had heard nothing worth listening to, except an elaborate canvassing speech for the Road Board election.

The amendment was lost, only three supporting it.

The motion was then put and carried amidst loud applause. Mr Postlethwaite, in returning thanks, said he would pursue the same course in future as he had done in the past, and moved ‘a vote of thanks to the Chairman,’ which brought the meeting to a close.