IRELAND’S PERIL

Taranaki Daily News, 2 November 1921, Page 5

IRELAND’S PERIL

CRITICAL STAGE REACHED. BREAKDOWN FEARED. THREAT OF CIVIL WAR. A GRAVE WARNING. There was a memorable scene in the House of Commons when the motion censuring the Government for its negotiations with Sinn Fein was debated. The result was an emphatic vote of confidence in the Government. Mr. Lloyd George delivered a striking speech. It is interpreted as a warning to Sinn Fein that a critical point has been reached in the negotiations. It also prepares the public for a possible breakdown, with the terrible sequel of civil war. By Telegraph.—Press Assn. —Copyright. Received Nov. 1, 8.10 pm. London, Nov. 1. It is a long time since the scene in the House of Commons was so animated. Every seat was filled and the gangways were packed, members sitting on the steps. Even the Attorney-General had to take refuge in the gallery, as the Treasury benches were overcrowded. The Duke of York was present. There were a number of interruptions during Mr. Lloyd George’s speech, especially regarding the Government’s alleged negotiations with the murder gang, but he ; generally carried the House with him. , There was an angry scene later when Mr. E. Winterton (Coalition-Unionist) was speaking. Mr. Jack Jones (Labor) addressed the Chair, asking: “Why don’t you pull up some of these bounders?” The Deputy-Speaker asked Mr. Jones to withdraw his expression, but Mr. Jones refused, and he was told to leave the House. After a protest he did so, crying: “I am sorry I ever entered it.” Mr. Lloyd George’s speech was of an emotional character. Several times he spoke with great emphasis, raising both clenched hands over his head, particularly when he asked for the confidence of the House of Commons as their negotiator. The speech is interpreted in the lobby as a warning to Sinn Fein that a critical point in the negotiations has been reached, and tlje gloomy tone is believed to be intended to prepare the public for a possible breakdown, with the terrible sequel of civil war. Ulster members are generally satisfied. They believe Mr. Lloyd George will not ask Ulster to give up Tyrone and Fermanagh, as Sinn Fein is* demanding, or give the Southern Parliament a superior status to the Northern Parliament. The general feeling is thgt the secession of forty odd die-hards will strengthen rather than weaken the Coalition, as the Government needs a stronger Opposition. A BRISK DEBATE. ATTACK BY UNIONISTS. PREMIER’S SPIRITED REPLY. Received Nov. 1, 5.5 p.m. London, Oct. 31. The Unionist censure motion on the Government was debated in the House of Commons to-day. The motion was: “The House views with grave apprehension entering on negotiations with the delegates of Southern Ireland, who have taken an oath of allegiance to the Irish Republic and repudiated the authority of the Crown, and, in view of the fact that the Act of Parliament for the settlement of tee relations between Britain and Ireland was passed as recently as last year, the House is of opinion that no proposals for the settlement of Southern Ireland should be made without the sanction of Parliament.” An amendment was moved by Lord Robert Cecil (Coalition-Unionist), but the Speaker ruled that it was out of order. The amendment was: “While it deplores the Government's lack of policy in Ireland during the last three years the House is of opinion that the breaking off of negotiations at the present stage is likely to increase the dangers and difficulties of the situation.” THE MOVER'S SPEECH. Colonel J. Gretton (Coalition-Unionist), who moved the motion, said the whole country desired to know what was going on in regard to the Irish situation. He reviewed events since last autumn, when the Government was vehement in its determination to suppress the rebellion. He criticised the inadequateness of the truce for the protection of loyalists, and he pointed out that the truce document was actually unsigned. It was plain that the delegates came to the conference in London with the status which they claimed—namely, as representatives of the Irish Republic.

Mr. Gretton said that Mr. De Valera’s telegram to the Pope was in defiance of the British Government, and insulting to the Crown. Was the price the Government was prepared to pay to secure the allegiance of Sinn Fein the surrender of two Ulster counties? The Government had made a surrender to gangs of assassins by bringing over representatives of these assassins and murderers to negotiate on dqual terms. The Government bowed its knee to murderers and assassins without consulting or even informing the British people. The latter were not to be terrorised into tearing up the unity of these islands at the dictation of a small gang of men, subsidised by foreign money. The conference had practically broken down, and the Government was obviously seeking some pretext on which it should break down. SUPPORT FROM LABOR. Mr. Arthur Henderson (Labor) said the Labor Party was supporting the Government because the motion raised issues vital, not only to the nation and the Empire, but to the whole English-speaking race. The party was still opposed to the policy of reprisals followed by the Government during the past few years, but were more strongly in favor of negotiations for peace. Mr R. S. Gwynne (Coalition-Unionist), seconding the motion denied the Prime Minister’s statements that the delegates dub elected were the JgarejeaUiiyw £«

Irish people. The recent elections were carried on under the coercion of a gang of murderers. „

Sir James Craig (Unionist) said the Ulster Parliament looked on the conference as one between the Government and Sinn Fein, and they decided not to take part in the discussion, provided the Prime Minister assured them that the necessary powers would be given Ulster to enable it to function at the earliest possible moment. When Mr. Lloyd George rose there was prolonged cheering. He said a very grave issue had been raised. It was clear a section in the House was full of misgiving. The burden of Mr. Gretton’s speech was that the Government had not shed enough blood. He admitted there had been breaches of the truce, but they had been investigated, and we had received guarantees, which Sinn Fein was doing its best to carry out. The group whom he represented desired peace in Ireland, and that there should be a conference with the representatives of the real Irish people, who were not the authors of the terrorism which was allowed to grow up. IRELAND’S VOICE. Mr. Lloyd George added: “The motion condemns the Government for entering into negotiations with men conspiring against the Crown, and the second point is that the sanction of Parliament should have preceded the meeting of the conference. The Government’s reply is that no pact can come into effect without Parliamentary authority. If there is an agreement it will have to be converted into an Act of Parliament, and nothing can be done without the full scrutiny and sanction of Parliament.”

The Premier said it was essential that the conference should be held behind closed doors, where men could make tentativ«? proposals without feeling that the following morning every word would be scrutinised. That was the kind of conference business men always adopted. The Premier said the House must either trust its negotiators or replace them, and if it does not trust them one glad man will go to his Sovereign and hand in his resignation. The answer to the other point was that if there was to be a conference it had to be wth the men who were repudiating the authority of the Crown; the Government could not negotiate with the Southern Unionists. The Sinn Feiners, for the time being, spoke in the name of the majority of the Irish people, and for the moment the sympathies of Ireland were behind these people. If the Government did not deal with Sinn Fein there would be none with whom it could deal. It was impossible for the House to decide with whom the Government should negotiate. A GRAVE ISSUE. He proceeded: “The only point the House can decide is whether it should enter the conference at all. The House can decide that first of all, but at whatever cost the Government should crush the rebellion and then deal with Ireland. If the conference is broken off—and it may be —I want the House to feel that it has done everything it can reasonably be expected to do. I cannot conceal from the House that I may have a grim announcement to make—that it is impossible to settle the question without danger of dishonor to the country. “If the conference fails the first thing the Government will do will be to ask the House to considerably strengthen the forces of the Crown in Ireland. Unless it is absolutely necessary for the honor and security of the country this is not, the time to impose great additional burdens upon the taxpayers and invite young men once marc to risk their lives.

“Before you do this you must convince the people that there is no alternati/e. If the security of this country is menaced, the Throne repudiated, or the Empire mutilated, and Ireland established as an alien country at our most vulnerable point, so that this country cannot use the coast of Ireland for the defence of Britain, then the Government will appeal with confidence to the people.” The Premier said he discussed the situation due to the fact that certain powers were to be conferred on the two Parliaments simultaneously. The Southern Parliament had not come into existence, so something in the nature of a Crown colony would have to be set up. This would not be done until the conference negotiations had been concluded. ULSTER PARALYSED. “In the meantime the Ulster Government was paralysed. The present position was intolerable, and therefore we were willing to give a pledge that unless some-

thing happens in a few days one way or the other that puts the position right we shall exercise the powers we have got or confer the necessary 7 powers on the Northern Parliament, asking the House to pass a short Act during the present session. (Loud cheers.) It was unfair to set up a Parliament and deprive it of the only powers that would enable it to work creditably; that would be giving an unfair advantage to its enemies. The Prime Minister concluded: “If the negotiations break down the country will be confronted by a position of unexampled difficulty, and the Government ought not to commit themselves to this or that method of dealing with the situation.” He appealed for effort which would encourage an atmosphere in, the council chamber so as to obtain if possible a favorable settlement. Mr. H. H. Asquith (Leader of the Liberal Party) said that if the motion had been submitted a year ago he would have supported it, but happily the eyes of the Government were opened and it realised the situation. He thought that at the present time the Government was doing right. It would be pedantic to demand credentials and passports and scrutinise the characters of the Irish negotiators. He declined to dwell upon the alternative to break up the conference. Mr. Austen Chamberlain (Leader of the House) wound up the debate. He emphasi ised that the Government had got down to rock bottom, beyond which no British Government could go.

Mr. Gretton’s motion was defeated by 439 votes to 43.