IRISH PROBLEM.

Taranaki Daily News, 16 September 1921, Page 5

IRISH PROBLEM.

SINN FEIN’S ANSWER.

MANY RESERVATIONS, REPLY APPROVED. By Assn. —Copyright. London, Sept. 14. It is learned in well-informed circles that Mr. Lloyd George, after reading the letter handed him by Messrs. Boland and McGrath, requested the envoys to return the communication to Mr. De Valera and ask him whether that was Sinn Fein’s last word, and if the document could not be amended before presentation to the British Cabinet.

The letter was of such an uncompromising character, contained so many reservations, and was also so flatly opposed to the idea of Ireland remaining in the Empire that the Premier felt the only course was to ask Sinn Fein to reflect in the interests of peace.

The Sinn Fein couriers had not reached Dublin at the time the Dail Eireann session opened. The plenipotentiaries mentioned in an early message were elected in view of a possible conference. Received Sept. 15, 11.45 p.m. London, Sept. 15.

After unanimously approving the terms of Cabinet’s reply to Mr. Lloyd George, which are still kept secret, ,the Dail Eireann adjourned sine die.

SINN FEIN DELEGATES. DE VALERA STAYS IN DUBLIN. STRONG MEN INCLUDED. London, Sept. 14. It is reported from Dublin that the special session of the Dail Eireann today appointed Messrs. Griffiths, CoUins, Barton, Duggan, and Duffy plenipotentiaries at the conference with Mr. Lloyd George. Received Sept. 15, 5.5 p.m. London, Sept. 15,

It was previously known that Mr. De Valera would not be a delegate to the conference; he will direct the delegations from Dublin, where he remains in touch with the Dail Eireann. Mr. Griffith ifi regarded as the ablest delegate. Mr. Duggan participated in the Irish rebellion of Easter, 1916. He was interned in Ballykinler, but was released on parole to enable him, as a solicitor for an appellant, to' attend a law case before the House of Lords. He was unconditionally released when the present truce was arranged. Mr. Barton fought in France as an officer of the Dublin Fusiliers, and he also commanded the barracks in Dublin during the 1916 rebellion, in which Sinn Feiners were imprisoned. Subsequently he left the army and joined Sinn Fein. Mr. Griffith, who is the leading spirit in the Irish delegation, is a strong advocate of a dual monarchy of England and Ireland with the King as link.

PEACE EXPECTED. THE FEELING IN DUBLIN. London, Sept. 13. The Daily Mail Dublin correspondent reports that the Chamber of Commerce adopted a resolution expressing the hope that the councils of the Irish Chambers of Commerce will be consulted before the final drafting of any solution of the Irish problem, or the drafting of any condition dealing with the trade and commerce of Ireland. The resolution, apart from its own importance, shows the certainty with which peace is expected.

DE VALERA’S HISTORY.

(By Maude B. Jacob in the “Sydney Morning Herald.”)

Who is De Valera? A Sinn Fein leader, of course. But who is he! And where did he get his name? Such are the questions being asked just now. Eamon De Valera was born in New York in 1883. His father was Vivian De Valera, a Spaniard. His mother was Irish. Her maiden name was Kate Coll, and she came to America from County Limerick. When Eamon was two years old he was taken to Ireland, where he dwelt, not exactly among his own, but among his mother’s pepole. The young Spanish-American-Irishman gave promise of unusual talents at an early age. He made the moat of whatever educational advantages came his way, and managed to get to Blackrock College. Later he won a mathematical and science scholarship, which took him to the National University. Of a romantic, impulsive temperament, it is strange that he found so much attraction in mathematics. It was so, however, for some years. Then a more absorbing passion for another study came (into his life. It was the study of the Gaelic language and literature, when he joined" the Gaelic League. The Gaelic League was founded by Dr. Douglas Hyde in 1893, to promote the study of Gaelic literature. It consisted at first of a few thoughtful students. The league thus begun developed into a political body, its members wishing to revive the Gaelic language and make it the national tongue throughout Ireland. From this movement we get the names of “Sinn Fein” (Ourselves Alone) and “Dail Eireann”. De Valera joined the league as a young scholar, and was at once transported into the fascinating realms of Gaelic romance, legend and fable. This study soon became an obsession with De Valera. Such an obsession might also take possession of a Welshman, who made an inordinate study in Celtic of King Arthur and his knights of the Round Table. All are beautiful as classic studies, but those heroic deeds and the language in which they were sung are unsuitable for wide application in modern life. De Valera’s passion for Gaelic literature was strengthened by his marriage with Miss S. OTlannigan in 1910, one of the most capable and active of the Gaelic League members. Later De Valera joined the Irish Volunteers, and carried his fierce energy into military life. This article does not attempt to follow closely the Irish movement. In the Easter rising of 1916 De Valera commanded one of the rebel detachments in Dublin. He was arrested with many others, and was one of those condemned to death, but whose sentences were commuted to penal servitude for life. In a little over a year, however, they were released in the general pardon to Sinn Fein prisoners. Unhappily much of this freedom was made immediate use of to stir up more insurrection. De Valera was one of those who were ready at any cost to destroy constitutionalism, to bring about the entire

independence of Ireland. That such an achievement might work injury to the greatest Empire ever known, and ultimately to Ireland as well, were questions that De Valera seemed unable to consider. There is a gleam of hope that he will consider them yet, and before it is too late. Personally, we are told, De Valera is attractive. “He has the ivory sallowness and deep, passionate eyes of his Spanish descent. He is very tall, very muscular, aud full of nervous vitality.” A friend writes of him thus: “Personally, Eamon is the most childlike and urbane of men. I oould not conceive of him hurting anything or anyone wantonly. Like all the other leaders nurtured in Gaelic League idealism, Ireland is to him not so much a country as a religion, for which a man should shrink from no sacrifice.” Well, England is now offering Ireland her rights within all possible limits. Surely De Valera will yet see that such limits are only set to guard our common safety. He must see that secession from England means danger to England, aad danger to Ireland as well. De Valera and his followers are ready to die for Ireland. So are countless numbers ready to die for England, and the British Empire. To take an instance nearer home—so are the Ulster men ready to die for Ulster. That is, to die for their rights; their right to remain British subjects, and to live under the British flag. De Valera has fine qualities. It is hard to believe that he will not come in time to consider this momentous question on all sides, to think soberly over the advice offered him with so much good feeling by General Smuts. Dr. Mannix said lately in Sydney: “There is no reason why the English and Irish people should not be friends and settle down together as neighbors, as God meant them to do.” We will surely all respond “Amen” to this wish, no matter what our birthplace or our religious creed.