INDUSTRIAL UPHEAVAL.

Taranaki Daily News, 16 January 1920, Page 2

INDUSTRIAL UPHEAVAL.

IS IT-COMING? RELATIONS BETWEEN EMPLOYERS AND WORKERS. "WHAT WILL 1920 BRING US?"

In the official organ of the transport workers of New Zealand, under the heading, ''What will 1920 bring us?" appears a somewhat remarkable article. The Transport Worker, it should' be mentioned, is the official organ of the waterside workers, the seamen, tramwaymen, and drivers of New Zealand. An article from a Wellington paper is quoted, in which the industrial position was reviewed, and the following statement made, inter alia: "It was probable the employers, much more than the workers, regard a struggle as inevitable- Each year sees heavier demands made by the workers—demands bordering, in many instances, on the extravagant. The employers realise that there must bis a limit; the workers do not seem to realise that there is a limit. So far concessions have been made on either side, and trouble has been avoided. Which side will be the first to refuse concessions? Will such refusals cause an "industrial upheaval?"

"WORKERS DO NOT DESIRE INDUSTRIAL TROUBLE." ■■■ The article in the Transport Worker then proceeds to comment as under:— The workers do not now, nor never did, desire industrial trouble but the employers are going to for., it at a time most suitable to themselves. The employers look upon a strike as inevitable; which means that they intend making the economic conditions of the worker such that the worker will be forced to accept this challenge. This "inevitable business" is nothing now to the industrial workers; it is, in fact, the usual procedure of the employers when they desire to force trouble. We admire the brutal honesty of the writer, and the workers should take the foregoing as a warning, and be prepared to counteract the employers' "industrial inevitable."

THE BATON BRIGADE. Already some of our foremost citizens are picturing the baton brigade parading the streets of our cities and towns, and, as one good Christian (?) gentleman recently stated, the waterside workers are "getting it on the neck." Whether or not we will aga in experience the "craftsmen of the pick handle," we rvri> not in a position to say, but this we do know, that it took a 1013 strike to educate the workers in methods they should adopt to obtain concessions without a strike and without starving, and as labor power is a commodity which unman society must employ, then it is only reasonable to assume that new tactics will he employed by the wage workers should the present methods fail.

THE LOCK-OUT. the reply to the iorce used by the employers in 1913 was, of course, the "strike on the ' job" or the "go slow." The employers are at present attempting to find some' means of defeating this new method of industrial warfare. The lock-out, we know, is not new, but it is the now-favored weapon of the employers. A'id the workers can br assured that if the employers' "inevitable business" comes off it will come by this method. As to how far it will be successful depends entirely on the wageworkers' organised industrial discipline. At best a lock-out can only starve the workers and their families into submission, but starvation submission carries with it usually a set hatred that will express itself as soon as normal condition are resumed. However, the lockout seems inevitable because the intelligent workers refuse to strike, and if the employers decide on their "industrial inevitable" the lock-out is their only means of attack.

TESTING ORGANISED LABOR. On more than one occasion has the Press suggested that certain organisations should be tested, and as one writer aptly puts it: If the test comes it will be watched with interest by outside unionists. Now, who are theue outside unionists? We were always under the impression that there were no genuine industrial unionists outside the forces of organised Labor. It is true that there are no genuine unionists outside, but there are unionists so-called, and it is from this quarter flint the employer looks for the assistance to execute hi • "industrial inevitable." It is not the "baton brigade," the lock-out, or the forced strike that threatens th« toilers; the only danger comes from those "outside unionists" who may assist the employers to defeat their fellow unionists, and, incidentally, themselves. The high cost of living, however, lias made this outside unionist a different individual, and probably those on the outside would be found on the inside when the bosses "industrial inevitable" takes place. THE WAGE-WORKERS' POSITION. The Transport Worker pays but little heed to these "industrial Jeremiahs" anil their prophecies of strike, turmoil, etc. We know from past experience that the employers will deliver their attack when and how they think it advisable, we know that the wage-workers cannot, and will not, run away from such an attack, we know that the united (not force) intelligence of the workers will be employed to defeat it, and, finally, whatever happens, we know that when it is all over, wage-workers must be employed to carry on the industry. \t is/ true that the organised workers are not seeking industrial warfare; it is true that they are organised to maintain and improve their standard of living, it is true that the wage-workers are asking for more control over their conditions' of employment. These !'°vc been the aims of Labor for years ]:'.!, and tie see no reason why the toilers should forego them now. We enter into the year 1920 with a full knowledge of the difficulties with which Labor b confronted; if the employers force industrial turmoil upon this country they must accept the responsibility. Organised Labor cannot now forego its principles and objective; w r e must go on with our fight for economic justice and freedom: