A GOOD TONIC.
TOMMY WILL STICK IT (By IT. lioUomley, Editor of Jolui Bull) What a tonic; what a, "corpse reviver''—to use an Americanism. Wellmeaning hut ignorant speakers and statesmen have tried to imagine that a new spirit was bred in 'Germany— that the Military Party's old "blood and iron" and hate have given place to sweet reasonableness and brotherly lovo. Count von Hertling, the Imperial German Chancellor, has done splendid service for the Allies. That speech of his in the Reichstag the other day, is in my view, deserving of the adjective "magnificent" It was indeed, a magnicent speech, if we take it at its face value. In its arrogance, its trueulence, its damned impertinence, it is worth a thousand utterances from members of the British Cabinet; it puts the eloquence of Wilson in the shade. Hertling may be playing a game of bluff—whistling in the ears of deluded and half-fam-ished people, to keep up their courage as they tremble in the graveyard of their hopes. But there it is. Let us regard it in all its insolence. It is a diplomatic blow in the face. It is the answer ofthe Prussian boot to the kid glove of the Pacifist—it declares anew bloody war on the silly sentimentalists who have been making their wishes farther to their thoughts. It is once more the eagle of >. ar sent out to meet the dove of Peace, and if there bo in this Britain of ours one man so blind to the obvious, so deaf to the sound of that Prussian voice, then put him at once in a lunatic asylum—for he is a danger to the future of civilisation, a menace to the strength and security of the British Empire. LETTING THE CAT OUT.
Just take that one point in von Hertling's demands—leave the others out of account for the moment—his claims for the "freedom of the seas." Even Sir Edward—now Lord—Grey, who dared to toy with tills mighty weapon of our Empire's strength and security, and liinte<l before he left oflice that the question of our sea power might well be a subject for international consideration, must now see the folly of offering to open the gates of the ocean to our foul enemy. What must President Wilson be thinking when he fmd3 his vague and cryptic offer to make the "freedom of the seas" a matter for Peace conference consideration stripped of all its uncertainty and presented naked to the world aa a demand for the downfall, certain, sure and speedy, of the British Empire. Dotted over tie seas stands the outposts of that Empire—ports and places of call for our Navy in its policing of the world's waters, outposts of our defence and our greatness. Without that this Empire on which the sun never sets would be at the mercy of the first hostile Power that sought conclusions with our Imperial strength—of the first nation that roso in its envy against our world-wide influence on the march of civilisation. Germany built her navy out of the money provided by this country in buying Hunnish merchandise thrown in unfair competition 'upon our markets. Germany was building, building, building, so that when "The Day" arrived she might try conclusions with the might and majesty of the British Wavy. "The Day" came, but we were ready. Our gallant warships majestic in their towering strength, rode the seas; we j drove that High Sea Fleet, on which wealth had been lavished in a neverending stream, into the craven harbourjago of the Kiel Canal. German merchant shipping was never again seen on the waters of the world. Even if a shot had never been fired by us on the Western front and on the sandy plains of the Middle East, we had struck a swift and silent blow for freedom. The Kaiser's dream was dissipated like mists bofora the morning sun, and we held the seas for liberty and for civilisation. But his devilish desires, his insane ambitions, saw in the U-boat a new weapon of infamy. And the war from under the sea vied in its hideous inhumanity, its murderous callousness, with tho horrors of the rape of Belgium. If not war on the British Navy, then war on the women and children, and tho aged and the non-combatant; and tho tale of ocean infamy has grown and grown until today a huge catalogue of crimes—deliberate, brutal, blood-stained—has mounted up in all its accusing strength. Wherefore never forget, you who seem to liave grown weary in the fight—you who fondly think and imagine that some new, humane change is possible in tho spirit of the Prussian racethat the only way to alter the mood of Germany is by the bludgeon blows of military victory. Britain, who has stood sentinel on the seas, is now told that she must now give up those outposts of her Empire without which we should sink, and sink quickly, into the humiliating weakness of a second Holland. Hertling declares from the Reichstag that we must relinquish Gibraltar, the key to tho Mediterranean; Aden, watchdog to our Eastern Empire; Hong Kong, which holds for us our naval and commercial interests in China; the Falkland Islands, that guard for us the tracks of our commerce in far distant parts. "Complete freedom of navigation in war, as well as in peace, is asked for by Germany as one of her main future demands." Let Hertlhig's speech be printed in letters of crimson and spread broadcast over the British Dominions. It is a, speech so flagrant with insult, so red with ruthless impertinence, that I ask nothing better than that it should sink into the hearts and minds of all who, in these days of doubt and difficulty, imagine that somewhere or somehow we can reach a point of "accommodation" with tho criminals of Europe. Yes, it is a tonic, indeed; and, if I know my countrymen, it will steel their will to continue the fight until Germany, crushed and broken, comes as a suppliant at the feet of the Allies.
ENEMY'S FELL PURPOSE. You will understand why I have singled out this demand of the German Chancellor—because it reveals, "as hi the illumination of a lightning flash, the fell purpose of the enemy. Never forget that above and behind everything is the deliberate desire, the long-cherished dream, of crushing the British Empire and buildim; upon its ruins a proud and overpowering Germany. Russia may play traitor and make peace with the foe; this Ally and that might falter by the way and drop out of the fight. But the Kaiser would not be satisfied. It was Britain that stood between Prussia and world conquest, and Britain is the objective of the war. Her navy was made for our undoing; our commercial markets were raided that Germany 1 might grow strong as we grew weak.Wo 'are the people to whom the '"'Song of
Ha,to'' is sung with guttural fervour; we arc the detested stumbling block to the world-sway of the Hun, the rival to her claim to sea-supremacy. We have beaten her already in her fight for naval aueciidcj^j-—even the murderous submarine is receiving' day by day the staggering blow—and, failing to win in fair battle, Germany would now crippls us, if die could,'by an act of robbery as insensate aa it is impossible. But, thank God, whoever else might harkeu to the Hertling voice, there is not a patriotic man from one end to the other of our world-wide Umpire who will listen for an instant to the preposperous claim dictated by the broken monarch of Potsdam, It is, indeed, a new reading of "no annexations, no indemnities," that we, an island Power, should renounce our sea stronghplds and sprawl like a weak and puling child before a merciless and murderous Germany. TOMMY WILL STICK! IT.
But there is, after all, another side to this speech of the German Chancellor. We have our troubles at home, it is true. The vexatious muddling of the food question, the traitorous disaffection of certain elements of Labour, the vulgar, ill-informed, and persistent attacks on our gallant fighting men just when the nation is asked to make a further effort to fill up the gaps in its wonderful citizen army—all this is as disturbing, as it is criminally wicked Bub just as we know that, given com-mon-sense arrangement and freedom from red tape, there is a sufficiency of food for all, so we know that, in the countries of the Central Powers, starvation, naked and hideous, is stalking through the land; that in Austria the working men are downing tools in their hundreds of thousands because they are no longer content to be pawns in the game of the Potsdam gang, and that in Germany itself there is the anger and resentment of a hungry and disillusioned people. It may well be that von Hertling is putting up a stupendous bluff. I know the German—l know his bluster and his bounce. He will bluff to the very last moment—pretend that he will fight to the death for AlsaceLorraine, that he will , only at the sword's point give up his grip on Belgium. But the more he rattles the sabre —the more he clanks the spurs of Prussianism in „ho ears of the Allies, the more ho oluffs and brags—the better. It is a sign, a hopeful portent. The only chance of maintaining the moral of tho German people, and of stemming the rising tide of revolt in Austria-Hun-gary, is to pretend that Prussianism is winning, that the criminal of Potsdam is nearing the day of victory. We' have a strenuous time before us—Russia's betrayal has delayed the hour of inevitable triumph. By threats or by cajolery, by new efforts in the West, and by subtle diplomatic devilry wherever the ground is favourable, the Kaiser and his murderous gang will aeek to find a way out of the deadly mess in which they have involved their unhappy dupes. Our answer to tho insolence of Hertling is to give Haig and Eobertson all the men they want. We must re-establish the truo policy of the "Knock-out Blow"; we must emblazon on the Allied banner once more, "No peace with the Hoheniollern."
NO MORE OVERTURES TO THE HUN. There is only one sure way with the bully of Europe—we must give him tho staggering blow on the jaw—send him over tho ropes. We must hold tho fort in the West until America, marching under Tsfe Stars and Stripes, stand shoulder to shoulder with the gallant forces which, since the summer of 1014, have withstood the assaults ana broken down the strength of a nation born and bred for battle. In God's name, let there be no more "overtures" to the Hun—ln the name of the men who have bled and died, let us realise tho character and infamy of our foe. And this I would say to the working men of England—of Britain: Realise that the fight is, above all, your fisht—that if the German won in this struggle it is your homes- and your liberties which would go down in infamous degradation under the heel of the Hun. Just a little more grit , just a little more time, and the victory that was denied us in the closing days of 1917 will be ours to reap in a rich harvest of lasting peace. I know what Tommy thinks and feels. I have been with him in the middle of the night and in his shellswept dug-outs by day. He will stick it, if you will. He will fight on to victory if we aft home do our part without faltering. Germany is boasting and blustering now. But soon she will sing a different song—and it will be her Swan Song. In the meantime, pray let there be no more talk. I am sick at heart of all this idiotic waste of breath. When Mr Lloyd George made his speech, I at once declared that it had not brought us an hour nearer peace, and predicted that Germany would his terms back into our face. This has occurred, and the most dignified course for Britain to adopt is to treat the speech of Hertling with absolute and silent contempt. It can he answered in one way only, and that is by the mouths of the British guns in France and Flanders. I confess I am a little disappointed at the rate of America's man-power contributions, but if this speech does not put ginger into President Wilson, I shall be greatly surprised. Thank God, however, for one thing—the Chancellor's speech has definitely revived the policy of the Knockout Blow. It is now war to the death! And I am relying on the President to back up that decision, and to throw in, with all possible speed, the mighty power of his great country. I wish ho hadn't introduced that phrase about "the freedom of the seas"—but I'm sure he meant well; still, it must always be remembered that, without the sea, the days of Britain would be numbered. And America doesn't want that. So now let us get on!
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Taranaki Daily News, 9 May 1918, Page 7
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2,191A GOOD TONIC. Taranaki Daily News, 9 May 1918, Page 7
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