MOTHER COUNTRY.

Taranaki Daily News, 9 March 1917, Page 5

MOTHER COUNTRY.

AN APPEAL FOR SETTLEMENT. TO STRENGTHEN ALLIES' HANDS. Reuter Service. Received March 8, 8.30 p.i.i. London, March 8. In the House of Commons, Mr. T. P. O'Connor moved: "That with a view to strengthening the hands of the Allies in achieving recognition of the equal rights of small nations, and the principle of nationality, against the opposite Gorman principle of militarism and government without the consent of the governed, it is essential immediately to confer on Ireland the free institutions long promised to her." He appealed to the House to make a united and genuine effort to settle the Irish question.

THE DEBATE. 'PREMIER STATES ATTITUDE OF GOVERNMENT. MR REDMOND ANGRY. NATIONALISTS LEAVE THE HOUSE Received March S, 11.35 p.m. London, March 8. The House of Commons was crowded in view of the Irish debate. A number of overseas Parliamentary representatives were in the galleries. Mr .1. E, Redmond had recovered sufficiently to attend. Mr Bonar Law stated that the Government did not propose to interfere with the Easter holidays, nor to place restrictions on newspaper advertisements. There would lie a debate on the cotton duties in the middle of next week. Mr T. P. O'Connor said that his motion was an invitation to the House of

Commons to join in a united and genuine effort to settle tlie Irish question. ! It did not indicate any change in the attitude of the Nationalist party to- ' wards the war, an attitude that sur- J prised every student of Irish liistory. It ■ was impossible to imagine that Britain, which was fighting for the rights of ' small nationalities, could ho so incon- 1 sistent and unjust as to deny this right 1 to Ireland. The formation of a coali- 1 tiou ministry gave Nationalists the impression that their political opponents 1 had triumphed, and that home rule ' would never he allowed to become law. Mr. O'Connor said that the manner in which the Government had dealt with the Irish rebellion had transformed a , friendly people into one of fierce and bitter hatred, and many Nationalists had joined the ranks of the Sinn Fein- '

ers. Home Kule should be put into operation forthwith for the sake of Ireland and in the interests of England, the Empire, and the Allies, Mr. Lloyd George proposed hi amendment, welcoming any settlement of the Irish question, but emphasising that it is impossible to force Ulster to accept home rule without Ulster's consent. He said that the Government was prepared to give the rest of Ireland home rule forthwith. He suggested a conference of Irishmen in order to settle details. Sir Asquith suggested that the services of the oversea stasesmen now in London might be utilised as an impartial authority to adjust all interests, their decision to be subject to Parliament's approval. Mr Lloyd George promised to consider this. , Mr. Bedmond appealed for the obliteration of the old animosities between the north and south. He appealed to Sir Edward Carson to rise and command the situation and work with the Nationalists for the better Government of Ireland. Mr. Lloyd George, who was loudly elieered, said that any settlement acceptable to the Irish as a whole would be welcomed with delight. The United Kingdom was grieved because some means could not be found for uniting Ireland in the interests of the Empire. Mr. Lloyd George added that the present Government did not- depart from

the attitude taken up by their preQi eessoi'3. There must be no attempt to settle the question in a manner which would provoke a disturbance, and have one part of the United Kingdom divided from the rest. There were two warring factions of discontent in Ireland. The discontent was not a material one, but the invincible fact remained that after all its record of beneficent legislation ■md material prosperity Ireiknd was no more reconciled to British rule than w the days of Cromwell. To place Ulster under Nationalist rule against its will wovjd be as glaring an outrage on liberty and self-government as the denial of self-government to the rest of Ireland. Continuing, Mr. Lloyd George said that the Government was prepared to confer self-government on that part of Ireland which unmistakably demanded it—(cheers) —but the Government and people of Britain were not prepared to force that portion in the north-eastern corner to submit to being governed by a population wherewith they were completely out of sympathy. He quoted ex--1 tracts from Mr. Asqiiith's speeches showing that the employment of force u, [ order to coerce Ulster was absolutely [ unthinkable. Irishmen could, at any ' time, with the substantial consent of " all parties, secure self-government for ' that part of the country which demands ' it by an unmNtakeahie voice, but no party could afford to demand that 5 Ulster should be forced into the settle--3 ment. Mr. Dillon interjected: "This means that you are trying to Imck out of Home Rule." Mr. Lloyd George: "That is not true, and the honorable gentleman knows it. I have not deviated a hairsbreadth from the line I have taken during the last five or six years regarding Ulster. Neither Mr. Asquith nor myself contemplated the coercion of Ulster, which would mean the division of Ireland. On the other hand, I believe that a frank acceptance of the position —that Ulster can only be brought in when she expresses her willingness to come—is a hundred times more likely si to achieve a united Ireland than d coercion. I believe that ultimately, at o no distant date, Ulster will come in." The Government, he continued, therefore n proposed the following ofi'er. beyond y whidh the Government would not go •""Iter during or after tlie war,

THE PREMIER'S AMENDMENT. Received March 0, 12.40 a.m. London, March S. Mr Lloyd George, replying to Mr Dillon's interjection regarding the Sinn Feiners, said: '''My answer is, you may have self government if you want it, but we won't put under your heels a people who don't want it. (Cheers). In order to make the attitude of the Government clear, Mr Lloyd George concluded by proposing the following iniieiuliiicut: "That this House, while welcoming any settlement which will produce a bettor understanding between Ireland and the rest of the . United Kingdom, considers it impossible to forcibly impose on any section or part of Ireland a form of government which, has not their sanction." ( MR. ASQUITH'S SUGGESTIONS. Mr Asquith said ho was not aware of the Government's intention to move an amendment which appeared to affirm a proposition that no one disputed. He therefore doubted whether it was worth while to record it. The Empire would be, greatly strengthened during the present conflict, if it seemed the immediate settlement of a hitherto imsolvable problem. Despite legislative and administrative reform, the situation in Ireland was not improving. He thought it unlikely that there would he a recrudescence of insurrection and rebellion, because the forces at the disposal of the Government were such that, if such a fooihardv and desperate enterprise were contemplated, it would result in complete disaster. He wanted to make a prectica' contribution to the debate. Expedients reduced themselves to three. The first was that the Government, by negotiation, might bring the two parties to an agreed settlement by a give and take process. Personally, he believed the expedient was less likely to achieve success than the action in July. Secondly Irishmen of all parties might be appealed to to meet and arrive at a settlement amongst themselves. This was a most excellent plan, but he feared it was impossible. The only practical alternative was for Parliament to invoke intervention by some outside impartial authority who would be entrusted with the task of adjusting all the interests and sentiments concerned. This task might bQ facilitated by the presence among us of Colonial statesmen. Any decision they reached would be subject to the final approval of Parliament. Mr Lloyd George asked what would be the character of the body. Would it report to the Government, or have statutory powers?

-Mr Asquith said it would not give a decision that would Imvo a statutory effect in advance, but must receive Parliament's approval. Mr. John Redmond said' Mr. Lloyd George's professions in favor of home rule were absolutely unnecessary to-day, as he had the power, if lie had the courage to use it, to carry his professions into practice. This was the time for action. Stripped of all its expressions of goodwill, and in its naked reality, Mr Lloyd George's speech was a policy absolutely of "wait and see." (Nationalist cheers). The Premier had made no proposal, but had suggested that negotiations should be re-opened, but after the experience of the July negotiations •he would nob enter into any more. The effect of the debate would be injurious to the best interests of the Empire. He was perfectly certain that Germany, which had long fomented disorder in Ireland, would chuckle with delight at the attitude Mr Lloyd George had taken up. Germany would know that Mr Lloyd" George was playing right into the hands of tVfe Irish revolutionaries. Mr Redmond said that he had listened to Mr Lloyd George's speech with the deepest pain. It was absolutely futile to continue the debate, and he asked the Nationalists to withdraw, so as to take counsel regarding the next step. Mr Redmond then led the whole party out of the House, amidst great Nationalist cheering and opprobious epithets against the Government benches.

TREASURY RETURNS. London, March 7. The Treasury returns for 11 months indicate the revenue estimate for the year, of 502 millions, will be exceeded by 30 millions. THE IRISH QUESTION. London, March 7. In Parliament Mr. Asquith proposed that colonial statesmen adjust the Irish question, subject to the approval of Parliament. A SPECIAL RALLY. London, March 7. The National Service organisers are arranging a special rally before voluntarism closes at the end of March. Special exhortations will be made from, | all pulpits on March 25.