A GREAT ELECTION BATTLE

Taupo Times, Volume I, Issue 44, 12 November 1952, Page 4

A GREAT ELECTION BATTLE

Ih New Zealand, public interest in the United States Presidential and Congressional Elections decided last week was probably keener than on any previous event. To some, no doubt, this interest was of the sporting kind, with bets on the side, and the backers of General Eisenhower emerging with credit balances, in much the same spirit as they regard- ' ed the Melbourne Cup, and speculated on the ehances of Daliray. But none — not even those mildly interested in the American contest — conld have quite escaped the feeling of exeitement enggjndered by the high-pressure publieity which invested the closing stages of the campaign.

On the other hand^ most people in this country must have been conscious of the political importance, from the international ,point of view — and especially to Europe and the British Commonwealth — under'lying the issue in the United States. Between the two main parties and their candidates — there were otheir parties and candidates whose importance was negligible — there is no difference in principle on the question of the Korean War and its interrelated issues, the problem cf world peace and the aggressive policy of the Soviet Communist Imperialism. These questions have to be faced and settled somehow if a third world wa:r is to be averted. The differences which do exist are simply differences of method. As we have seen, the contest ended on a reassuring note — namely, that all parties are determined to present a united front to the prfb!ems of the time. On this basis compromises over differences are not only possible, but may be confidently anticipated. The structure of tHe United States system of government, and the operation of its machinery seem to foreign observers somewhat complicated. It is not easy, without elaborate explanation, for the aveirage New Zealander to grasp the significance of

what seems a cumbersome set-up/ Viscount Bryce, in his "American Commonwealth" describes it as "a system of checks and balances." The active principle of the American Constitution is freedom — and statutory immunity — from tyranny. In other words, those se'c up to govern aire subject to limitations designed to prevent them from going too far. That is why the Congressional elections are held every two years, while the President holds office for four. Thus American political feeling is kept perpetually on the boil, so to speak. Imagine a New Zealand Parliamentary election every two years ! Every three is exeitement and unsettlement enough, goodness knows, and thus many of us are inclined even to envy the United Kingdom for her five-year Parliaments. Again, the Fresident's Cabinet is not selected from the elected representatives in Congress. They ace appointed by himself, and are responsible to him alone. Congress is not responsible to the President but to the electorates. But it has the power to grant or withhold money required by him to implement his policy — a situation that may lead to an awkward impasse. A Republican President may have to wrestle with a » Democrat majoadty — either in the Hcuse or the Senate, or biith. If he is fortunate enough to have the support of a majority of his own party in Congress when elected, he may find himself in a difficult position when the Congressional elections are held two years later, while he is still President. All tkese factofs combine to make the machinery of Government inclined to eireak, and slow it down. This disadvantage, however, is got ^'id of in periods of naticmal emergency,- when the President's authofity and initiative are stepped up to a degree that would make even Mr Stalink moutli water.

In the present disturbing state of world politics the Presidential election is an event of widespread interest. Since the days of General Grant's presidency, the American people have shown a disposition to shy off a candidate with a militaxy background. The election of General Eisenhower, therefore, may he regarded as a significant pointer to the American state of mind in regard to world affairs, and the imperil threat t(^ the nation's security. The election has produced an American President whose experience as Allied Commander-in-Chief in the final stages of the last war has given him an intimate knowledge of the European situation and its military problems. From this point of view the result is ireassuring, though it may be doubted whether a similar reaction will be experienced behind the Iron Curtain. The new President, however, is Jpledged to work for peace, and with that sentiment his late rival, Govemor Stevenson, and all parties, have associated themselves. American foreign policy, we imagine should be in safe hands.