THE EARL OF ABERDEES ON HOME RULE.

Te Aroha News, Volume IV, Issue 201, 30 April 1887, Page 9

THE EARL OF ABERDEES ON HOME RULE.

The Irish colonists of Sydney (says the Sydney " Morning Herald ") turned out almost to a man on Saturday to welcome the Earl and Countess of Aberdeen, who arc at present on a visit to the Australian colonies. The occasion was the presentation of an address to his Lordship, in recognition of his generous advocacy of the cause of Ireland and her demand for sulfgovernment. The presentation was fixed to fyike plape in the Town Hall at 4 o'clock, but at' 2 p.m. tbo Hibernlun sooietioß n™rshalled their i6rces, and matched down to Government House in procession, whence they proceeded to the Town Hall, with banners flying and accompanied by an inspiriting brass band, by way of King and Geovge streets. The route all along was densely crowded, and by the time the procession, which acquired fresh numbers at every step, had reached its destination, the people might have been counted in thousands. As many of them as could find standing room within the gates were admitted, but these represented only a fraction of the multitude which thronged the street pavement. The Earl of Aberdeen, in reply to the address, said ;— You will easily belie\ o that the assurances of kind feeling contained in this address will always be deeply prized by us, and allow me to say that no part of it is move appreciated by myself than that in which reference is made — and made, I venture to think, with discrimination - to Lady Aberdeen. (Cheers. ) But apart from and beyond what may be called the personal asjxjcb o E the matter, there is a significance about it which is well worthy of observation. As you surmiso, I have not failed to observe the thorough loyalty of Irishmen in tho colonies, combined with an ardent and most unselfish desire 10 see the benefits of that self-government, which they enjoy here conferred upon their fellow countrymen at home. It may be well to notice some of the particular grounds of objection which we hear urged against the policy of selfgovernment for Ireland*, which you so cordially suppoit. It is often said that the movement has been mixed up with deeds, as well as th« words, of violence and disorder. Now I am touching upon dolicate ground, but I think we ought to face this matter fairly and frankly. We must not for a moment be supposed to regard such deeds with anything but detestation. (Hear, hear.) But that is not enough. When a physician finds a patient with spots and excrescences upon the skin, his endeavour is not merely to remove by ointments or any other external treatment those unsightly symptoms, but to ascertain and to deal with the root of the matter -the origin of the malady. These disorders, which we all deplore, are symptoms of the malady from which Ireland has suffered. And while, as I have said, v,G must not be led into anything which would seem to condone the guilt of such acts, we ought to rocognise the full significance of .such a state of matters. We Englishmen may well ponder the past in relation to this matter. Have we, as a nation, no mistakes and errors to deplore in our past administration of Ireland? Will anyone contend that a long ptriod of the administration has been sagacious, just and successful ? The answer to this question, though it will not for a moment lead us to condone what is wrong in itself, may well load us to consider whether there is not a duty incumbent upon us beyond the expression of indignation, and the intention to put down , all discontent by a strong hand. And yet | this strong Government is the first thing i required for Ireland. And what, gentlemen, is a strong Government ? It is a Government that rules by and through the consent and goodwill of the peoplo of the country. (Applause.) And that is the sort of Government which we wish to establish in Iceland. (Continued applause. ) Ido not ignore the fact that there is what is called the "Fenian" element in the country ; but it is numerically &mall, and kept in check by the constitutional leaders of the Home Rule movement. Once let Irish local government be established, and its effort would be devoted — and I believe successfully- to securing and maintaining order by every legitimate means. (Loud applause.) But there is another objection, which is constantly brought forward, to the movement. It is that it implies disloyalty. Now, there has been a good deal of misunderstanding and misconception about this. In Ireland people have been told again and again that they could not be advocates of Home Rule and at the same time loyal ; and, therefore, many, being absolutely devoted to the cause of Home Rule, have openly renounced expressions of loyalty as generally understood. But there has been recently a considerable change in this matter. It has come ac a sort of rovelation to most people in Ireland that loyalty in the true sense of allegiance to the Queen's authority not of adherence to the particular form in which that authority is at present administered in Ireland- -is perfectly compatible with Home Rule. (Applause.) On one occasion when I was travelling through Ireland as Lord Lieutenant, the local band of a district, which was entirely of Nationalist sympathies, came out to meet me, and played "God save the Queen" — indifferently, I mußfc confess, and I afterwards found they had only just learnt it; but you can imagine with what satisfaction I listened to those imperfect strains. (Applause.) We see indications of the same thing in public utterances outside of Ireland ; .and instead of reproaching people with mistaken words of the past, I think it better that we should adopt a more generous attitude, and heartily welcome the change to what we believe to be the true attitude. (Applause. ) Ido not believe that in any gathering in any part of the empire will more hearty cheers be given for the Queen than those which, I doubt not, will be raised here before you separate. (Loud cheers. ) The next common objection which I wish to notice is that an Irish Parliament would have a large majority of Roman Catholic members, and that the Protestants would not have a fair chance. Now there are abundant indications that the Catholic majority would not abuse their opportunities in .this sense. (Hear, hear.) We have only to look, for instance, at the city of Cork, where, as you know, the Catholics are in a vast majority, and yeb Protestants are freely admitted there to various public posi< ions of trust and usefulness. And other i i stances can freely be given of the same racfc in those parts of Ireland where Pr-ot^tants are in a small minority. (Applause.) Let me mention one other common argument against Home Rule. It is that it means separation. low, I suppose nobody will accuse the Irish of being deficient in shrewdness. It is certain, also, that they are .characterised hy generosity of feeling and action towards those who have conferred upon them & real and wished-for benefit. (Applause. ) But, apart from this are we to suppose that Irishmen would desire to seyer themselves from the country which furnishes them with their nearest market and main source of commerce ? I know well enough that upon this point there have been many utterances which can be laid hold of by opponents, but those were incited by a

vague feeling of injury inflicted by England, which will disappear when the great boon is granted. (Applause.) Meanwhile we are uound to accept the emphatic declarations of the responsible Irish leaders of the movement, which were offered when the measure for Home Rule for Ireland was introduced by Mr Gladstone. These are some of what we may call the popular grounds of prejudice snrrounding this policy ; but Ido not for a moment ignore the fact that there are also real difficulties connected with the question—difficulties which have led many able statesmen, both in England and the colonies, to withhold their approval, But it ifi well to remember j also how many have given t-hsir hearty support tv it, notwithstanding UiQ BQmevvuat suuuen mamlS!' itt Avhion necessarily i the schemo was introduced. Difficulties j there doubtless are, but British at it esman ship has surmounted difficulties as great in time past, and will surmount them again. But, gentlemen, what is to be the alternative to granting this solf -government? What are we to do about Ireland '! I call to mind a remark of Lord Roseberry's, contained in a striking speech delivered while he was in Australia. He said of the Irish question, " It takes up our time, wastes our energies, blocks all legislation, and is a public misfortune. " This witness is true. It was true then ; it is true now. 1 would not speak in any terms of disrespect of the present Government regarding the legislation which they are introducing ; but it is* the old btory — coercion with one hand, nome concebsion with the other. This has been tried again and again. Has it succeeded '! (Cvios of " No, no.'') It has absolutely failed. We do not advocate a policy of despair or a policy of surrender. No, but to persist in a line of action which has been convincingly shown to be unsuccessful is surely rather an indication of obstinacy than of courage. We cannot drive people, but wo can win them. (Hear, hoar. It is doubtless, a great responsibility > » grant Home Rule ; out mo«t profoundly <. . I believe that the responsibility of refuniii ,' it is even greater. (Applause.) I would say even that this policy should be urged on grounds of prudence, of jubtice, and of magnanimity of piudence, because it offers a mode of producing order and peaco in the country combined with a proper maintenance of tho necessary connection of the country with the rest of the British Empire ; of justice, because Ireland for centurios has not been governed in accordance with the aspirations of the majority of her people, and because her demand, now expressed through an immense majority of her Parliametary representatives, is entitled to a fair hearing; of magnanimity, because England in recent times has doubtless had to make some sacrifice in the matter, especially in admitting that her past efforts— yes, and latterly, many honest efforts— to deal with the Irish difficulty have not been successful ; and because she has the physical power to refuse the boon which is asked. Now, gentlemen, in whatever light we may regard it, I believe Home Rule will eventually be granted. The fear is lest it should be postponed till it is bereft of the grace and generosity which would be of such inestimable advantage for tho future. The poet has said— " New actions teach new duties; Time makes ancient good uncouth. They must upward still ami onward Who would march abreust of truth."