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IMPERIAL RELATIONS

COMMON FOREIGN POLICY, LORD MILNER’S SPEECH. VALUE OF THE IMPERIAL CONFERENCE. (By Telegraph.—Press Assn.—Copyright.) (Reuter’s Telegrams.) LONDON, June 18. In the House of Lords Lord Milner, con tinning his reply to Lord Charnwood regarding the machinery to ensure continuous consultation with the different parts of the Empire, said Britain frankly accepted the dominions as partner nations of equal status though, by common consent, she might hold the position Q f leadership as head of the family. It was supremely important to the Empire and the world that the self-govern-ing dominions and the United Kingdom should continue to pursue a common policy on all great questions of international affairs so that in the councils of-the world the Empire could speak with a single voice, but if that could be accomplished under the present constitutional condi ions it would be only because the self-governing nations agreed upon a particular policy. There was no power in the constitution to impose the will of the majority upon a dissentient. If they failed to agree common action was im--1 o;sible. Fortunately in the great test of experience, namely, our war policy, all continuously agreed both about the policy as a whole and every important charter. It would be too sanguine to presume always to count on being equally fortunate. We must recognise that circumstances might arise even in a great international crisis in which the action of the Empire could be paralysed or greatly weakened by failure of agreement between all the dominions. That would be a disaster, but was only likely to occur if w’e los; during peace time the close touch established in war time. He did not believe that on any of the world’s questions different views would be taken by different parts of the Empire so long as they remained in intimate touch with one another and were able to consult before a crisis arose. It was of vital importance to maintain continuous knowledge on the part of the self-governing dominions of the policy -which any one was pursuing and chiefly that which the United Kingdom was pursuing as regards its foreign policy. Dealing with the existing method of consultation, he said the Imperial Conference was gathering greater influence. Its resolutions had a considerable effect on the conduct of affairs in the different countries represented and a good deal of most useful effect in pulling the Empire together. This had been the result of those occasional meetings. We must regard the Conference as a regular and permanent organ of our Empire constitution because w r e had a permanent secretariat to pursue the various questions and collect material for future conferences and by communication with the various Governments to sec that the resolutions were carried out. The question arO'C whether they should not devif/ * means of making the influence of the Empire as a whoie as distinct from the United Kingdom continuously effective in the councils of the world. This was temporarily achieved in war time and the peace negotiations through the Imperial War Cabinet. Tile British Empire delegation to the Imperial Cabinet was as complete an executive of the whole Empire as could possibly be conceived but it was hound to fell in’o abeyance at the end of the war if only because the Premiers of the dominions could not remain. He was absolutely convinced thiit something mon 1 wa> necessary than we had got in the constitution of the Empire. The splendid harmony existing in war time was not to he frittered away in peace time and if we were not to separate from one -mother, going different roads even without knowing it, he was convinced wc would he ahle to hold together on all matters of world importance only it we kept in closer ' tm.-ch than it was i>ossib!c to do merely by means of Imperial Conferences held every four or five vears. Something which brought ihe peoples of the different self-governing Slates of the Empire into close touch wa« essential if the Empire was to play ilit* great role it ought to play in the world. Something of this kind was in the mind of the statesmen not only here, but in all the self-governing countries. Lord Milner agreed that the success of the League of Nations depended above all on the British nations, who were in the League alrcindv ruid able to speak with one voice. He heheved if they did they would hardly ever differ on matters of supreme importance with the United Stales. Then iwo groat Anglo-Faxon Powers could make th? League a sucres*- and secure the peace of the world. The Imperial Government was being strongly pressed by all the dominion? to hold th? Imperial Conference as soon a? po.-rible. He had hoped the meeting would he held in 1920 hut all had agreed that it must be postponed till 1921. If it wa* to he a success anil put the future constitutional relations of the Empire on a good footing there must be a meeting practically of Prime Ministers, though not exclusively so, and this should not he confused with a periodical Imperial Conference which was distinct from it in that it would he in the nature of a constituent assembly, which would liy to arrive at a basis upon which our relations with the dominions in future would be conducted. It would be a meeting of extraordinary importance, but pending its constitution it was not desirable to put forward particulars of the .-onciiio. He hoped, it would not separate without providing the Empire wi hj some ormm of government based upon rccogmtimi of the complete independence and equality of its different parts.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST19200622.2.34

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Southland Times, Issue 18855, 22 June 1920, Page 5

Word count
Tapeke kupu
943

IMPERIAL RELATIONS Southland Times, Issue 18855, 22 June 1920, Page 5

IMPERIAL RELATIONS Southland Times, Issue 18855, 22 June 1920, Page 5

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