DINNER TO MR FOX, AT WANGANUI.

Southland Times, Issue 906, 26 February 1868, Page 2

DINNER TO MR FOX, AT WANGANUI.

Mr Fox was entertained at a public dinner at Wanganui, on "Wednesday, the 12th inst. The following report of his speech, in responding to the toast of his health, is from the "Wanganui Times," of the 15th. Mr Fox rose amid great cheering, which having in a short time subsided, he said — Mr Chairman and gentlemen, I desiie to. return you my sincere thanks for the kind and cordial manner in which you have drank my health. I had no right to expect to have been received as I have been since I returned to New Zealand ; the reception is unmerited by me, but is not less appreciated on that account. You have been pleased, sir, to make reference to my exertions in the cause of the Colony. I can only say that what I did was done heartily and to the best of my ability. When I first came to New Zealand, with other emigrants, many of whom have since stood shoulder to shoulder with me and fought through a long political struggle, many years ago — for we came out in 1842 — we were not only actuated by the natural idea of all emigrants of bettering our condition, but were animated by the romantic idea that we were to be the founders of a new country, which should be a superior country. "We were not only- excited by the Robinson Crusoe schoolhoy notions of going to live on some lonely spot, monarchs of all we surveyed; but we wished to raise in these southern seas a nation which should emulate in its political and social institutions those of the great land we had left. We wished to found a Britian — the Britian of the South. It was very natural, then, that we should become politicians, and we commenced a series of struggles, in which some present besides myself took an active part, to free the Colony from the trammels of its first exictence, and to endeavor to obtain for it and establish a Constitutional Government similar to, if not better, than that enjoyed by the parent state. All that I have done for the Colony has been done not only from a sense of duty, such as must influence every great work, but it has been a labor of love. Since first I heard and wrote about New Zealand- — and I wrote about it before I came out to the Colony — I had an instinctive love for the country, and my labors in its behalf have been only following my own instinctive desires and pleasures, so. that I do not deserve credit for what I have done. The circumstances at Home, to which, Sir, you have alluded, were of a somewhat similar character, and it was not only from a dry sense of duty that I was impelled to refute the malignant rumors and insinuations which were circulated through the press, and were in every man's mouth, and talked of at every hearth and home throughout the land. The slanders which were hurled at us were outrageous : we were told that we were a bloodthirsty set of ruffians, who had drawn the British nation into au expensive war, that an army was employed to fight our battles for us, that we were too cowardly to fight ourselves, that we loved the army for the profit of it. When I found men at Home, former friends by whom I had been respected, , I could not rest an hour on British soil without refuting those accusations. It was not by an appeal to public feeling or popular enthusiasm thatthiswas to be done; not by using theeubtile arguments of an astute lawyer ; but by boldly stating the naked facts, and challenging our detractors to deny the statements ; and I may say with confidence that there was no attempt, or at all events no successful attempt, to deny anything I had written, When the

matter was laid honestly and faith fully before the British subjects, all classes admitted that we had Wn maligned and Blandered, that we were hard working colonists, who had done our^duty, and that the people of one of the finest; portions of the British dominions had been greatly wronged. Although my humble efforts in the colonis' / defence may have assisted, yet this greu.; revulsion of feeling was aiainlv brought about by the brilliant successes of our colonial forces. The gallant action of our troops on the ; east and west coasts ; troops composed of, and commanded by our fellow-colonists ; men who had never been instructed in military drill and discipline, these little bauds of colonists followed the enemy into the thick bush and penetrated their mountain fastnesses, where the great i British generals, with 10,000 troops at j their command, had said that it was not j safe to go. T^e British public came to a < knowledge of these facts from letters written by a correspondent to the London n Times," and to whom the colonists are greatly indebted. L trust that in future we shall hear no more of these calumnies, and think that the people of England will be more cautious as to how they receive accounts from agents of the aborigines society and others, to the disparagement of the colony. The heavy expense •which was attendant on the native war opened the British mind for the reception of all those slanders and calumnies. John Bull is a very sensitive individual, and never more so than when his pockets are touched ; when he knew that a farthing or halfpenny income-tax was being expended to pay the expense of a war which he was told was brought on and maintained for the gratification of a lot of selfish, grasping colonists, he was ready to believe anything, however bad, that was said of us. A war that had been brought on and procrastinated solely by the conduct and mismanagement of Imperial officers. And yet — inconsistent fellow that he is — a year after that he ia going into an Abyssinian war to maintain the prestige of the British name, and votes £2,000,000 to avenge the imprisonment of a few Englishmen. We have been "badly used in the matter — it was not the fault of the British nation; but Ministers were anxious to get out of the New Zealand war in the best way they could, and would take any means to be rid of the expense incurred for a colony at an out oi the way place at the other side of the world. However, I hope it is now at an end, and that we shall never again Lave occasion to seek material aid from any quarter. (Cheers). Mr Fox rapidly sketched an account of his travels since he left the colony, and then continued — I am not so well accustomed to this kind of speaking, as I may be when perhaps advancing a resolution, or speaking on a platform, and can hardly do justice to myself without touching for a few moments on political questions. I observe that there has been an inquiry whether politics were to be excluded on this occasion ; still, although there may be many present who differ from me on points of policy, I feel that I should not be acting a manly part did I not on this, which I may consider as my first public appearance in New Zealand, since my return from Europe, enunciate a summary of those broad political principles which I have always held, and j which will guide my conduct should I happen upon a future occasion to take .an active part in the affairs of the colony. It is at the same time to be borne in mind, that for the last three years the views which I have received of the politics of the colony, have been derived from letters and newspapers, which information was often meagre and very contradictory, bo that I consider myself not well up, and cannot be expected to express very decided opinions on the great questions of the day. I can only state broad principles, the details of which I may possibly aiterwards see occasion to change. One of my first works in New Zealand was to assist in obtaining, and which you, Bir, helped in gaining, after a very long and arduous struggle, the inestimable gift of representative institutions. I adhere firmly to the general principles of the Constitution of 1852. I approve of a General Government and Provincial Institutions, believing firmly that they are peculiarly adapted to this Colony, provided that provision is made for separation by Provincial Governments, and for union by the General Government. The framing of the Constitution of 1852, was a most wise and sagacious one, and is eminently suited to the geographical nature of the country — the separation by nature of the Colony into different islands, the long seaboards and dividing mountain ranges, show that it could not be so well governed from any one point, as under the present system. That there are imperfections in in that Constitution Ido not deny. The voice of that great legislator and statesman William Ewart Gladstone, was raised in exception on one of the most important points of the Constitution, and it would have been well had he been listened to ; we should then have avoided many of the bitter struggles which have taken place between Centralists and Provincialists. What he showed was, that an overriding power was given to the Central Government over the Provincial Governments. There are thirteen subjects on which the General Government only can legislate; and what Mr Gladstone held was, that the power thus given must lead to conflict and confusion, unless the General Government were restricted to voting only on those thirteen subjects. If that were done, the constitution would work harmoniously and smoothly, while now all was jumble and confusion. It is the policy of the General Government to divide the provincialists, and then ride rough shod over them. I have always been a thorough and devoted provinciallst, and I irmly belive that the salvation of the colony depends on the right working of the Constitution Act, as iar as regards the provincial institutions. Still, I do not wrap myself up in my garment and refuse to look further, or to

be shewn wherf I may be in error. There dre new circumstances which are bringing about a new set of things, and creating a revolution in the countiy. We have a great population, attracted by our goldfield-s coming from a country widely differing from ours. This large population is still increacing, and they have political rights which must be respected. Another Province which, when I left, was suffering great depression from being hotly engaged in a bitter war with the natives, .there I now find peace restored, the war crushed out and trodden under foot by our brave Colonial troops, and the natives, in so far as can be discerned, loyal and obedient subjects. Other Provinces are in financial difficulties, the end of which no one could see. In one Province it pains me to see the Colonists, bowed under the weight of their difficulties, appear ready to abandon their political rights to any one who will relieve them. This, I say, is not the part of brave men, who should rather suffer under present difficulties than submit to degradation. However much I may be in favor of Provincialism, and I believe it not impossible to restore the federal character of the Constitution, still T may be prepared to supplement the Provincial institutions, adding where anything is defective— not to sweep them away, but to supply whatever is wanting in them to meet the growing necessities of the colony. There are men in other Provinces who are fighting against Provincal institutions, and who are they? There are men who have ever opposed representative institutions in any shape, and I warn you against them; for if they gain their point, they will hand over the Colony bound hand find foot to the Colonial office. There is another point on which I was at variance with some — the Native question. I have been accused by the press and others of inconsistency in the part I took in the question of the two great native wars— the Waitara and the Waikato. When the Waitara war broke out I belonged to what is called the peace at any price party, and yet two years from that time I was urging on Sir G-eorge Grey to a vigorous prosecution of the Waikato war. Yet there was no inconsistency in this, as I will endeavor to explain. It was my belief, as well as that of many others at the time, that the natives had been wronged in the matter of the Waitara purchase, that Governor Browne had made a great mistake, and we were determined that the question should be reopened and justice done them. I took office under Governor Browne, but almost without hope of being able to do any good in the matter. Many offers were made to the natives to submit the matter to arbitration, which they as often refused ; and when, on the 4th of May, they drew the sword against us, and attacked Lieutenant Taggart and his party, then we knew that they intended to try strength with the British power, and that they must, .by a severe lesson, be taught obedience, or they would exterminate us. My native policy is summed up in a few words — when the natives are right, support thorn ; and when they are wrong, reduce them to subjection. I hold that there : is no inconsistency in this. The men who call me inconsistent are so themselves. The grand point is, the natives must be dealt with as other British subjects ; they must be made to live in subjection to "British laws. Should I again be actively engaged in politics, those will he the rules which will guide my conduct. — (Cheers.) I will now refer to the financial question. My once friend, though I suppose I must now call him my political j enemy, Mr Fitzherbert, has gone home as i the representative of this question. I have no intention to enter into detail, or to speak of the subject further than this — by no amount of stockjobbing, or working the oracle on the stock exchange, can you get out of the fact that you owe seven millions ; you have got it to pay ; there it is a millstone round your neck. It matters not whether the stock is bought by any Smiths, or Browns, or Jones, or by the stockbrokers Bothschild or Baring, you can only escape by paying principal and interest. I believe it will be the best thing that can happen to the colony for our credit to be so . bad that we can't borrow another sixpence. I wish to clear myself of an imputation which has been cast on the Ministry of 1863, to which I had the honor to belong, with reference to the three million loan. Mr Fitzherbert says we spent it, and in his neat way adds " after a scatterer comes a gatherer." Well, the Domett Ministry, which we succeeded, gathered an army of 5000 men and a fleet of nine steamera, and had left us as a legacy a harassing ard expensive war. The Parliament empowered us to borrow three millions, of which we, the scatterers, spent £1,200,000, and the gathers who followed the other £1,800,000. When we went out of office, Mr Fitzherbert told us and the public, that we had overdrawn our bank account £800,000, and there was nothing to pay it with, except the three million loan. It is true the New Zealand Bank had allowed us to overdraw, well knowing that there was £1,000,000 ready to be taken up by their London agent when they pleased. Mr Fitzherbert did not put the thing fairly. What we did, and the money we expended, was not done by us, but by the united wisdom of the House of Representatives, and we had to carry on a native war fit to swamp a colony much larger and more powerful than this. Look upon the constitution in any way you like, and turn it as you will, it is a democratic constitution — not republican. I am a devoted and loyal British subject, and I believe in a monarchial government. I believe that form of government lias aided materially in the present advancement and prosperity of Great Britain, and I also believe in a constitution which gives every man a voice in the affairs of the nation. I have studied carefully the constitution, an# the state of affairs in America, and I believe the is not a falling nation; she has never stood in a prouder position than at the present time, She has, just concluded

the mightiest civil war that ever took place in the history of the world, and she hss done what no nation ever did before, finished a civil -war without establishing a military despotism. Herein is shown the strength of a democratic constitution. Look at her in byegone times, when Bhe was a contemptible British Colony with 40,000 or 50,000 inhabitants. Now she is prosperous and increasing, with a-pop-c ulation of over thirty millions. She can hold her own in the face of all the great powers of Europe, and her flag is respected wherever it goes. There are, no doubt, faults in our Government and our rulers, and there always will be faults ; there will be faulty Superintendents, and faulty Eoad Boards , but I would tell you of one thing, the General Government are doing all they can to draw attention to faults in Provincial Governments; but I am confident if you have one Cen--1 tral Government you will have a worse I master. I am in favor of democratic I institutions. The country does not be- ; long to the sheep farmer, or any one class ; the country belongs to the people. I hope to live and die a good democrat, doing all I can for the advancement and prosperity of the people. Mr Pox said hehad no other points to notice, unless any gentleman knew of anything he had omitted, or would like to question him upon anything he had not made clear.