POLAND.

Southland Times, Volume III, Issue 12, 4 December 1863, Page 5 (Supplement)

POLAND.

(From the Saturday Eevieio.) By the Austrian note, Prince Gortschakoff receives formal warning that, if the just, demands of Poland are not satisfied, Russia will be responsible for the consequences. Diplomacy never indulged in a more indisputable truism ; but the meaning of international correspondence is contained, not in the text of despatches, but in the time, the circumstances, and the tone of a communication. Prince GortjchakofF knew already all that Count Rechberg could tell him, except that Austria would concert her policy with the Western Powers, instead of inclining once more to the abandoned Northern alliance. An unfriendly attitude by no means implies a contingent war ; but the Poles derive encouragement from the division of the partitioning Powers, and especially from the discovery that the Austrian Government thinks it worth while to conciliate the Polish inhabitants of Galicia. The successive expeditions which have been organised on Austrian territory are more formidable in their origin than in their results, as they prove that the police and the army are at least passively favorable to the cause of the neighboring insurgents. The inconsistency which may be urged as a reproach against the Cabinet of Vienna I addg to the significance of its present ! policy. Seventeen years ago, the administrative system of Mouravieff was anticipated in Galicia ; and, fourteen years ago, the Hungarians were subjected to penalties as "rigoro-Js as the deportations and executions which aie now employed to strike terror into Poland. The refusal of Austria to countenance a system of repression indicates the final dissolution of the Holy Alliance, for the obstinate adherence of the Kinpr of Prussia to old despotic traditions affords little ground for confidence. Russian statesmen cannot but observe that, as soon as the Emperor of Austria professedly renounces the principles of his family, the Princes of Germany accept him almost unanimously as their natural leader. The proceedings of the Frankfort Assembly have no direct reference to the Polish insurrection, which perhaps finds but limited favor in Germany ; but Austria has become more poweriul in the Confedeiacy through the adoption of representative institutions, and the necessities of a Constitutional system compel the Government to pursue a comparatively liberal policy, and therefore to break with Russia*. It would be unreasonable to expect that Austria should take active measures to "tablish the complete independence of Poland ; for if the Russians were forced to relinquish their spoil-, the tenure of Galicia would obviously become inseenrp. It is not for love of Austria that the Galician gentry have protected the adventurers who were preparing to invade the Polish provinces of Russia. The hopes which arc found-ed on the sympathy of the Western Powers have not lately become more sanguine. The prolongation of the diplomatic correspondence lias given the insurgents time to observe the state o( opinion both in England and in France, and they can scarcely flatter themselves that the syrup to. -is are becoming more warlike. In England, the Government seems, on the whole, to be in advance of the nation, which is more deeply impressed wilh the evils of war than with the duty of redressing the wrongs of Poland. Calumnies founded on misrepresentations of Polish history have little effect in recommending an in iction which implies no in liffrrenee o'' judgment. It is not because Poland was once misgoverned that Englishmen are averse to a war with Russia, but because peace is regarded as a paramount object wherever there remains a moral liberty of choice. The cause of the Poles is more indisputably just than any reason which has in modern times raised insurrection into a duty. The Hungarians and Italians had suffered less grievous and less demonstrable injustsce, and the league of the Russian Government with a barbarous and disaffected peasantry is a social crime deserving of more thorough reprobation than any political iniquity. If moral crusades were imperative duties, there wou'd be no need for loner controversies as preliminaries to a dccl ration of war against Russia. The only justification of the passive acquiesence of England in an undoubted wrong is the sincere conviction that a nation cannot wisely undertake the functions of a knight errant. The generation which censured the war of 1793 against the ruffian ruLrs of France may hesitate when it is asked to punish even the more atrocious Jacobinisn of the Russian Government in Poland. The question is still open, and public feeling may suddenly change, but for the* present the nation is assuredly not prppared for a Russian war. If the insurrection attained such consistency as to authorise the recognition of the Poles as belligerents, the Western Powers would probubly offer their moral support, and ultimately they might assume the character of auxiliaries ; but so long as the patriots are unable to occupy a district, or even a single town, it is almost as difficult to co-operate with their exertions as to treat with their anonymous Govern-' ment. The French themselves appear to have become less eager for war, as they have reflected more maturely on the difficulties of the undertaking; and if Prince CJortschakoff, in his next reply, makes any show of concession, the French Government will probably be willing to avoid a rupture. The recent manifestations in Germany have shown the improbability that a war could result in any annexation of territory. A great nation which is struggling in vain for some unity of government and legislation may at Ica3t take care that

no portion of its soil is alienated to gratify foreign cupidity. The lfft bank of the Ehine, with its purely German population, is believed by ordinary Frenchmen to be naturally a part of France, and any expenditure of blood and treasure which might purchase thr frontier of the first Empire would be willingly incurred- But an expedition to Poland would receive le s enthusiastic support if Germany were determined to resist any attempt at dismemberrrent ; and, although the King of Prussia has thought fit to separate himself from his Confederates, he might rely on their support against foreign invasion. The official pamphleteer who lately affected to disclose a portion of the Imperial policy fell into an anachronism when he recalled the overthrown of the Prussian monarchy at Jena. The Prussian army would perhaps be unable to resist a French invasion, but the collective force of Germany is more than a match, on its own soil, for all the Powers of Europe. If France desires to serve Poland, it will be necessary to art in concert with iustria, and the liberators must be content with the glory of their achievement, with the gratitude of their clients, and with the possible disposal of the vacant Crown. If rumors may be trusted, a sense of common interest is tending to allay the hostile feeling between France on one side, and Prussia and Russia on the other. The visit of the Prus--ian ex-Minister, the Prince of Hohenzollern, to the camp at Chalons is believed to have been connected with diplomatic objects, and the Emperor of the French may perhaps be inclined to foment the ill-will between Prussia and Austria which has arisen from the Frankfort Congress, While well-wishers and possible allies are hesitating, the Poles appear to persevere with extraordinary firmness i > their hero'c resistance. The petty victories which are claimed ou their account may be insignificant or doubtful, but they show that the Russians are unable to suppress the insurrection. The reported execution of peasants by the Russian authorities may perhaps indicr.te a formidable change of feeling on the part of the bulk of the population. Tlie gentry and the townsmen have hitherto sustained the unequal contest ; and if they could induce the peasantry to follow their fortunes, they might soon outnumber the Russian army of occupation. The rumors are, however, too indefinite to justify the conclusion that the national rising is becoming popular with the multitude. It would be difficult to find a precedent in history for the central organisation which regulates the progress of the insurrection, and, to a certain extent, provides it with supplies. The Secret Committee levies taxes, it issues orders to the leaders of the troops, and it keeps the rival Government of Warsaw in a state of incessant alarm. The modes by which it enforces its orders are irregular and objectionable ; but apparently the owners of property, and the classes which might be expected to abhor all secret societies, voluntarily support the mysterious Government which dates its missives from Warsa'v, whilst its enemies assert that it resides in Paris. The announcement of a Russian Constitution, even if its extension to Poland shou'd prove illusory, is favorable to the prospects of peace. Any change of circumstance would give the Western Powers a fresh control over their decision; and although the internal organisation oF the Russian Empire is a purely domestic matter, (he offer of free institutions to the Kingdom of Poland, while it would afford little satisfaction to the insurgents, might silence or blunt the remonstrances of their foreign supporter. The semiofficial French v wspapers treat the impending Russian Charter as a partial satisfaction to the exigencies of Poland and of France. If the Emperor Alexander really intends to give political liberty to his subjects, he will remove much of the jealousy with which Russia has for some generations been regarded in England ; but, to prove his sincerity or his consistency, he will do well to restrain his agents in their systematic extermination, not only of Polish rights, but, as far as their power can reach, of the Poles themselves. The Constitutional project is strongly recommended by the proposed establishment of several representative bodies. When Finland has a separate Assembly, Poland will naturally enjoy a distinct organization, which may partially satisfy the national wants, while the concession will not be inconsistent with the Imperial dignity. If it is true that the acceptance of the Constitution is to be voluntary, it would almost seem that the conditions of a compromise have been unexpectedly discovered. England, France, nnd Austria would, in that case, have so much reason to be satisfied with the result of their interference, that they might willingly attribute the whole credit of the measure to the free will of the Emperor Alexander.