AMERICAN STATE RIGHTS.

Southland Times, Volume III, Issue 12, 4 December 1863, Page 5 (Supplement)

AMERICAN STATE RIGHTS.

(From the Satnvdog Review.) If the Americans choose, either deliberately or unconsciously, to change the principles of their Government, foreigners have no right to object. It seems probable that the power of the central authority will be largely increased in consequence of the civil w*r. The defenders of State rights, as they are called, share the nnpopularity which attaches in all countries to an opposition which appears to ally itself with a public enemy ; and the assertion of local independence is, in truth, wholly incompatible with the vigorous prosecution of a war. The people of the United States have hitherto scarcely had a history, although they have naturally mistaken material prosperity for political success. The Governments of the several States afforded sufficient protection to life and property ; and the Federal elections, the debates of Congress, and the Messages of the IPresident furnished matter for conversation. The politicians made speeches, while the population amassed money, and the petty events of the War of Independence were magnified by -national fancy into tha achievements of a heroic age. The legislation of Congress was insignificant and almost inoperative, except in the imposition of tariffs ; and the police duties which were performed by the States were far more important than a foreign policy ■which mainly consisted in perpetual bluster. The visible action of the local 'Governments interested the citizens of the various States more nearly than the verbal squabbles at Washington, as the humbler classes in an English parish care more for the policeman who interferes in their disputes than for the dignified member of Parliament who discharges an unintelligible function in London. The Americans in the •Northern States, however, have a more general smattering of education than any European community, aTid they would not have been satisfied without 'Comparing their practical experience with the documents which were supposed to contain the charters of theiT rights. Their annals informed them that the States were anterior to the Union-; and that the Colonies, on their successful rebellion, retained their separate individuality while they assumed the rights and immunities of sovereign Power's. It was impossible •to dispnte the Democratic doctrine that the powers of the Federal Government ■were exclusively deduced from the letter of the Constitution. It was quite unnecessary, in peaceable times, to discu-"s the alleged right oFsecession, or to inquire whether a compact, acknowledged to be valid, was also irrevocable. ■I '-.From an early period, the mere eniightened politicians saw the expediency of strengthening the bond which alone secured the unity of the nation ; but, from causes which may almost be regarded as accidental, the party of Federalists passed through increasing unpopularity into utter extinction. It happened that Jefferson, in his efforts to abolish all restrictions- on unlimited democracy, found himself opposed to statesmen who wished both tostrengthen the Federal authority, and to preserve regulated freedom. The disciple and admirer of the French Jacobins, instead of proclaiming an indivisable Republic, consequently made it his business to cultivate local jealousies, while he denounced the influence of education and property, and flattered the ambition oF the multitude. The Federalists, and their successors the Whigs, were essentially Conservatives, and as the securities for good government were successively swept away, they naturally declined in power and popularity. The victorious democrats confirmed their triumph by their permanent alliance with the South, and their support of slavery formed an additional reason for cherishing the most advanced theories of the sovereignty o£ the States. "Until a recent time, any liberal construction of the constitutional powers of the President and the Congress was regarded as essentially illiberal and reactionary. European visitors, who could discern nothing especially glorious in the history of two or three dozen insignificant provinces, were constantly pnzzled by the municipal patriotism of Massachusettes, Pennsylania, or Kentncky. The letter of the law mi^ht be favorable to a strict interpretation of Federal rights, but foreigners thought that an aspiring country would have deemed it indispensable to give itself: importance in the world by consolidating itself into a single nation. At. the same time, political observers understood that the privileges of the States were the principal impediment to the creation of a democratic despotism. The Senate — which was formerly, with the exception of the Supreme Court, the most respectable institution in the United States — was also a practical protest against the unrestricted power of numercial majorities.' The French Revolutionists, when they abolished all provincial franchises, were more clearsighted and consistent democrats than their American imitators. It seemed a happy accident that Jefferson and his followers should for once have unconL_/Ciously agitated against the cause which was properly their own. The robust faith in parchment, which was one of the most creditable elements of the American character, is gradually and unavoidably yielding to the pressure of unforeseen circumstances. Before the Secession, it was commonly believed that any discontented State might, without legal guilt, withdraw at its pleasure from the Federal organization. When it became necessary to construe the sacrod document, plausible arguments were forthcoming on both sides, and the natural instinct of resisting disruption by force gave an easy triumph to the advocates o[ the

faith that the Constitution Was irrevocable. A long interval elapsed before the growing scepticism extended to the cherished sovereignity of the States ; but popular logic at last proceeded from the assumption that secession was criminal to the interference that the duty *bf coercion was imperative. If Virgiflia or South Carolina had no right to withdraw from the Union, it seemed to follow that New York and Pennsylvania could exercise no discretion in forcing the revolted States to return to their allegiance. State rights had been inviolable as long as the wide extent of the United Slates required little government beyond . parochial or municipal administration ; but when a great war arose, the American people found, with unlimited surprise, that they also were subject to the laws of nature, and that they were involuntarily illustrating the precedents of history. The Central Government rapidly became more powerful than the State authorities, because ! it was called upon for the first time to discharge duties of paramount importance. The more consistent Democrats demonstrated that the alleged %s«rpations of Washington were novelties but the mob went over to the Republicans as to the loudest supporters of the war. Gjvetnor Seymour's remonstrances with Mr Lincoln are probably well founded, but even the great State of New York is afraid openly to impede the measures which are thought indispensable to the successful prosecution of the war. In former times, no Federal agent would have ventured openly to interfere with a State election, but now General fturnsiJe imposes a test on the voters in -Kentucky, and the President long since locked up the majority of the Maryland Legislature, on the mere suspicion that they were about to resist the policy of his Government. The packed Assemblies or Conventions which are to vote back the conquered States*into the Union, even if in y accomplish their destined purpose, will fail to command deference or respect. The rabble of traitors and renegades who may assume the part of privileged voters will depend exclusively on the Federal power for support and for personal safety. Even in Maryland, a respectable partisan of the Northern Government is almost as difficult to find as a loyal subject of Russia among the upper and middle classes in Poland ; and the friends of the Union in Mississippi and Tennessee are probably scantier in numbers, and still more degraded in character. 'STfoe Motion of a State vote may possibly be convenient ; but the nominees of a despised minority will be unwilling as well as unable to vindicate the privileges which they have already fold to the iuvader. It is not the intrusive State Government, but the Federal General, who exercises a vulgar and oppressive desj otism in Baltimore. Before Gen. Burnside allowed the election to commence in Kentucky, he was obliged to proclaim martial law. The condition of the Northern States is wholly different; but, willing or under compulsion, they all submit in turn to the encroachments of Federal power. To a certain extent their acquiescence may perhaps be prudent and patriotic ; and even if they think fit to abdicate their constitutional rights, they are fully entitled to adopt a new system of Government. There is, of course, gross inconsistency in disregarding the constitution which the North is attempting to reimpose on the Confederate* at an unexampled cost of life and treasure. Nations, . however, seldom apply the same standard to the rights which they enforce and to the liabilities which they may be called upon to acknowledge. Unless the war becomes unpopular, the Slates will probably be compelled to sacrifice all the sovereign functions which they have hitherto obstinately asserted. The pride of military power can only be gratified under a strong central government ; and even if the armed resistance of the South is overcome, the coercive system which will become necessary will be wholy incompatible with the divided or double government which sufficed in more tranquil times. If the Supreme Court interferes with the progress of events, ifc will itself be suppressed or remodelled.

A wealthy Arab, residing near the frontiers of Morocco, lately paid his first visit to Algiers, and was present at a ball. On his return home he said to his wives, " What strange creatures these French women are ! Would you believe! — they absolutely carry aa open umbrella under their petticoats ! " Such was (he idea formedof crinoline by this son of the Desert. A wag had kept up a continual fire of witticisms at a social party, when a puritanical gentleman, who enjoyed sermons and snuff better than jokes and puns, sharply observed, " If you keep on you will make every decent person leave the house." ''That would be a sorry joke," was the dry reply, " for you would certainly be very lonesome when left here alone." A true Picture of Despair. — A pig reaching through a hole in the fence to get at a cabbage that lies a few inches beyond his reach. Grammatical Joking. — " What is the reason of a blow leaving a blue mark after it I " asked an inquiring young man of a medical student. ''It's easily accounted for," was the reply, " for you know that blow in the perfect makes blew" v I say, Phil , who is that pretty girl I saw you walking with last Sunday 2" " Miss Hogges!" " Hogges ! well she is to be pitied for liaving such a name." "So I think, Joe.," rejoined Phil. ; " I pitied hei so much that 1 offered her mine, and she is going to take it." A Frenchman, who had travelled a pood deal in the United States, being asked how he liked the country, answered, — Oh, I like zeecontree ver mooch — mais it is ver funny. In my coniree zere is vun religion and great many soup ; mai3in zis contree zere is onlee vun soup and vrr many religion. 1 '