ELECTORAL.

South Canterbury Times, Issue 2699, 12 November 1881, Page 2

ELECTORAL.

MR J. T. PARTRIDGE AT TIMARU.

Mr J. T. Partridge addressed tbe electors of Timaru in the old Oddfellows’ Hall, last night, Captain Sutter, Mayor of Timaru, in the chair. The room will only accommodate about 200 comfortably, but nearly half as many more were crowded into it before the meeting was half over. The speaker was listened to attention during the delivery of his address, and was then subjected to a long questioning upon points touched on or not in his address, and on some very irrelevant ones. Mr Partridge apparently succeeded in answering them all to the satisfaction of tbe audience, who on several occasions took his part when an irrelevant or ridiculous question was put, and advised him not to answer it. He was never at a loss, however, and contrived to use most ridiculous questions as pegs to hang clear remarks of some sort upon. Mr Partridge commenced by saying that hia political platform was that of the Timaru Political Union and Labor League, whose desire was to see liberal measures passed, and the interests of the working classes considered. The first point he referred to was the mode of forming the Executive. The members of the Government, he thought, should be required to go to their constituencies again when called to the Ministry. The main aim of the legislation of the future should be to further the social and material prosperity of the present generation, and of those who should come after them. The industrial classes were in a serious plight, their children were growing up around them, but owing to the small support given to local industries, there was little field for the employment of the young people. Instead of attention being given to industries as well, the whole business of the population appeared to have been to get hold of land. Much was said about class legislation, but when he told them that tbe totbl amount paid in wages to the workmen of New Zealand equalled the total rent-roll of Great Britain, they would see that the working class was the one in whose favor legislation should run, if in favor of any class at all. The working classes had been called “ the mob,” and the supreme importance of capital was insisted on. He objected to such a word as mob being used ;if it were not for labor capital would be valueless. He thought the workers might reasonably claim some privileges without going too far. His position as a work- ■ ing man’s candidate brought up the question of payment of members. It was not the question whether a member was a man of means ; the laborer was worthy of his hire, and payment of members should be considered and called payment for services rendered, and not called an “ honorarium.” He considexed a member should be entitled to draw against his salary so as to render him independent of patrons. It should not be in the power of any one person to say to a representative, “ I sent you to the House to work for me, and as you have not done the work to my liking I intend to go now myself.” He was in favor of both Chambers of the Legislature, if two were required, being elected, and was also in favor of triennial parliaments. As he had bad no band in the legislation of the past, it was no part of his task to refer to that, nor had he to bear any part of tbe blame for the mischief that had been wrought by past legislation—the state of depression from which the country now suffered. There was great complaint of the lack of employment and of money, and of falling off in business, but one seemed able to explain it. He believed it arose from the extensive borrowings in foreign markets for public works. The money borrowed had added to the spending power of the colony while it lasted, but it being now all gone their spending power was lessened and depression resulted. ' Further loans would relieve the depression, but by adding to the already high taxation, would, perhaps, cause an evil as great. He pointed out that a large portion of each loan went in commissions. The four million loan of 1874 was subscribed at 91, and 4£ per cent was paid for raising it, the loan being thus diminished by 13£ per cent. The country must be brought into a better condition if possible. A large number of people had been brought out, at an expense of a million" and a half, and it was very undesirable that so many of them should be leaving it as they were doing now, increasing the burden of those who remained. The cause of this exodus was a general discontent with the prospects in tbe country. Men saw no likelihood of their being able to establish themselves in a real home in the country, and so they saved up what they could and sought one on the Australian continent. He attributed a considerable portion of the lunacy in the colony to the effect of the strain of this discontent upon men’s minds- His remedy for the depression so much felt, would be to establish an internal credit instead of an external one. The Banks in the colony were declaring dividends of fifteen and sixteen per cent on their capital, while the Government was paying four and a-hal£ per cent upon the business they were doing. The authority to issue paper gave the banks an accommodation of about a million. He would give the Government power to issue a paper medium to the same extent. They would then at Last save the four and a half per cent now paid for money. Saving could begin at once and before long the foreign loans could be redeemed. Large quantities of gold were raised in the country, which found its way into the coffers of the Banks. He would have Government become the purchasers of this, by means of a Treasury issue, and with the gold they

coaid recover their bonds in London. It was said that prosperity was returning, and that that was proved by increased receipts through the Customs. But it might be that it was due to the action of business houses at Home sending out more goods than were wanted,—the receipts of the Customs were not a good criterion in short times, of the prosperity of the country. The increase in the Savings Banks returns, were also held to show that the country was reviving ; but that increase might be due, and he believed it was, to men putting by what they could, at short call, so as to be able as soon _ as possible to leave the colony. Going back to the Public Works policy, he would try to answer the question, How should the liabilities arising out of that policy be distributed. He held that fixed property should pay for fixed works. Supposing two men came to the colony at the same time, one of whom spent his wages as he earned tliem, while the other saved and invested some of his in fixed property. It was clear that if they desired to leave after a time, the one who had been spending and all the while contributing, through the Customs and otherwise, far more to the revenue of the country, from which was paid the interest on the loans, would be unable to realise on any of his investments, whereas the man who saved and invested his money on fixed property, through the rise in values due to the public expenditure, he would be able to recover not only the amount he directly invested, but also a large portion of what he had contributed to the public Exchequer, or even the whole of it and some portion of what the less economical man had paid to the same fund. For this reason he held that the whole burden imposed through the attempt to improve the value of fixed property should be borne by fixed property. The property tax seemed to meet with much disapproval, and he instanced the taxing of goods in stores, which might be a source of loss instead of gain, as an instance of its unjust aspects. An income tax he considered the fairest, as no one would then be required to pay unless he could afford it. An income was a real benefit realised through the facilities provided by the State, and was therefore a proper subject for taxation, As land was being improved in value, through the public expenditure, it was right that it should contribute directly to that expenditure, he was therefore in favor of a land tax, on a sliding scale, so that the person who held only enough to keep him should be exempt. A sliding seale would compel large speculators to put their lands into the market at reasonable prices, and that would be an inducement to those who thought of leaving to remain. It had been stated that the available public lands had been pretty nearly all bough up, but this was not so. He quoted the surveyorgeneral’s report to show that 34 million acres of Crown lands remained for disposal, of which 15 millions are open country, 10 millions are forest and only 9 millions are barren mountain. There was therefore a sufficient public estate left to be worth dealing with by future Legislatures. As far as possible local expenditures should be locally regulated aud in such cases the means should be locally raised by elected bodies. The people would then be able to check the imposition of unnecessary burdens. They would know what was really wanted and would know how much they could afford to pay for any work or accommodation asked for. He was in favor of the principle of local option, but with conditions as to compensation in proper cases. As there would always be more or less of a floating population, he would suggest that if the ordinary public bouses were closed, the same houses should be licensed as boardinghouses to ensure accomodation being at hand for those who needed it. He approved of Licensing Commissioners being elected. With reference to local industries, he pointed to what had been done in America in the way of reducing her imports to foreign manufactures within the last few years, through the development of her home industries. Whether local industries could yet be successfully developed here, against the interests of the large wholesale houses, was doubtful. The business of these houses was to find an outlet for the production of English factories, and the hold they had on the country gave them great power in influencing trade, and they were bound to use it against the spread of local industries. In 1877 £381,000 of goods that might have been made in the colony were imported. These included candles, £33,000; saddlery and harness, £34,000; other wrought leather goods, £166,000 ; paper £68,000; vinegar, pickles, and sauces, £44,000. The whole of these articles ought to have been made in the country and the £381,800 retained in the circulation. These were figures for one year only, and it would be easily seen that a great difference would be made in the prospects of the country if such sums were saved every year. (Hear hear). He was in favor of the eight hours system of labor being applied to every mao, woman and child in employment, as everyone ought to have some time at disposal for mental and physical recreation, and for mental improvement. In connection with this he must mention that he would like to see technical schools established, wherein young citizens might learn the theory of their trade while learning the practice of it in the shop. And in order to call forth the inventive genius of the people and give it free play, he would like to seethe patent laws reformed. He attributed the industrial success of the Americans very largely to the liberality of their £atent laws, and equal liberality would ave a similar effect here. The brainpower of the country ought to be sufficient to supply all its requirements. (Hear, hear.) Speaking on the Chinese question, he said ha had no prejudice against them, but on the whole would prefer their room to their company. He thought there were plenty more suitable fields for Chinese emigration in tropical countries ; countries like New Zealand should be kept for the emigration of temperate climates. The brain-power of a country was part of its capital, and should be carefully cultivated. He was therefore in favor of a system of education that should be national, free, and compulsory : free, from the lowest school to the University, because the raising of anything like high class nurseries was most objectionable. If people wanted such nurseries, because they objected to their children mixing with others, they should provide them in their own houses. (Hear, hear.) Class legislation came in soon enough when it affected them in after life. He would have public situations open to all who passed certain public examinations, instead of them being posts for the reception of the friends of those who

had “ influence.” He objected to sectarian teaching in the schools in every shape and form, but had no particular objection to the Bible being read if it was desired. He would be in favor of subsidising any school built and efficiently conducted by any denomination, but only on condition that the school accommodation provided by them was really required. He would not subsidise any school built for tho purpose of rivalry with the Government schools. He felt some difficulty with reference to the reading of the Bible in schools, as he feared that there would always be a tendency on the part of teachers to draw lessons from it in favor of their own sect. But a representative in the House was not free to represent his own views, and therefore what his views on this question were did not matter. He considered a representative stood in the same position towards his constituents as an attorney towards his clients. He took it for granted that the representative was sent to carry out the wishes of the constituents, and, therefore, on a question of this kind the constituency should give their representative explicit instructions, and he should do the best he could to carry out their wishes. If they entrusted their business in his hands he would attend to their wishes as carefully and carry them out as fully as his abilities would allow. Mr Partridge then sat down, and the Chairman intimated that he would be glad to answer any questions. Questions were forthcoming at once, but a person at at the back of hall kept the audience laughing so that it was impossible for questioners to make their wishes known audibly, though the answers were attentively listened to, and pencil and paper were therefore resorted to, all but one or two of the questions being put in writing. The substance of the questions and answers was as follows :

Concerning the bankruptcy law—This required amending, especially with reference to cases wherein tho estate was small. When the lawyers and official trustees had been satisfied there was but little left for either creditor or debtor.

What would he do for the working man ?—He would as far as possible see the rights of he working man maintained,and see that he had some prospect given him of being able to attain a position of comfort and prosperity in the country. The working man could only be benefitted by steady legislation. The scatter-cash public policy of the past had left a heavy drain for interest to be earned by the working classes, while that policy did not benefit him. He would strive to ease this burden by cutting down the higher salaries in every case where they were higher than the value of the work done. The working man only required justice and to be regularly employed at fair wages. He claimed to be a working man himself, having served an apprenticeship to a mechanical trade, as the indentures in his hand would show. He was in favor of the introduction of an employers Liability Act, similar to that in force in England. He considered that every employer should have sufficient practical acquaintance with his trade or profession and should be able to give such attention to details as would in a large measure guarantee the safety of those in his employ. Should a man undertake the duties of an employer without being so qualified, or should he neglect that precautionary attention to details, he sLoulo! be held liable for any accident that occurred.

Re the Native question, he was of opinion that greater prominence had been given to it than it deserved. He had only been four years in the country, and was not well posted up on the Native question. He thought that if the question had been looked at more from a business point of view, the £IBO,OOO voted last session might have been spent to better purpose than it was going to be, and the difficulty might have been settled without so much turmoil.

He would not blindly follow any leader, Sir George Grey or other. It would not signify to him who brought forward a measure. If his constituency instructed him to give Sir George Grey or anyone else his support on any question, as their attorney he would watch their interests to the best of his ability. An elector—Never mind the constituency. What is your opinion ? Mr Partridge—l have already said that my own opinion would he held in abeyance because I am only an individual. There are 1075 persons enrolled as electors. I should seek to represent them, not myself only. The elector —Not at all. We want to know what you would do. Mr Partridge—l should attend to the business of the House, attend the divisions, and let you know how I was acting in each case. Being asked whether he would be in favor of repealing the Gaming and Lotteries Act, he said he had not taken much interest in the matter, but it was one that simply needed to be dealt with according to common sense and justice. He would decidedly set his face against anything leading to immorality or wasteful expenditure. He was in favor of reciprocity in external trade. We should as far as possible deal with our best customers. The best was Great Britain, while America was a very bad one, taking next to nothing from us. At present a large amount of manufactured goods was imported from America, and this trade kept our own artisans out of work. He would therefore place restrictions on the American trade; and leave as free as was consistent with justice to the people of tho colony, the trade with Great Britain.

Being asked to compare the Customs duties with the laud tax, he said he was decidedly in favor of ' reducing the former on the necessaries of life. These had to be obtained by the most needy, and the food of man should be free from taxation if possible. The land tax would not touch the needy, but would fall upon those able to bear it. Wherever the runs were held in such a way as to impede settlement, they should be cut up, but there were lands that could only be profitably held at present in large blocks. Settlement of population shonld be the first consideration. He would not be in favor of disposing of the waste lands on long leases, by auction or otherwise. He did not believe in large blocks being locked up for long terms in any individual’s hands. He would not be in favor of female .immigration until the present depression had been relieved. The men should boar the heavy burden. Afterwards, if it were shown to be necessary, he might be in favor of it. Being asked whether he would bring in a law doing away with boy labor on newspapers, he said he was of opinion

that boys should begin to learn their trade early, but he was in favor of the time of their labor being restricted so as to secure to them opportunities for mental improvement. As a rule he objected to the young being called upon to do a great amount of labor. (Applause.) Local industries] he thought might be best assisted by taking off the duties from articles needed in manufactures, but still more by the Government setting the example of using wherever practicable locally produced articles in preference to imported ones. The people would then follow suit. He did not believe in the bonus system. He did not approve of all-round ten per cant reductions in salaries. He would cut down the higher ones first, and cut them down furthest.

He was in favor of paying the members of both houses, but quite opposed to the granting of pensions. It wpuld not do to separate the two Islands altogether, but the internal affairs of each might be separately managed.

Mr H. Boardman asked a question about the bringing of men from Christchurch to Timara by the Railway Department at a timo when there were many out of work here. The question was received with expressions of disapproval, evidently of a purely personal kind. The candidate answered that he understood the Department had a permanent staff whom they had to keep employed. It was certainly objectionable to move men about the country to places where others were in enforced idleness.

Concerning the railways—he was of opinion that if there was any prospect of their being able to pay a dividend they should be retained by the State, as they would be a valuable property; if there was no such prospect, if they were likely to continue a drag on the revenue of the country, the sooner they were got rid of the better. Railway accidents should be publicly enquired into, as the lines were public property, and the blame placed upon the right party. He did not see why lawyers should not pay a license fee as well as auctioneers. Their businesses were similar in some respects, both receiving commissions to execute for their clients to the best of their ability. The chief difference was that the auctioneers had a fixed scale of charges, while the lawyer charged just what he thought fit. The lawyer certainly had the best of it. If the Volunteer force was considered necessary, though he doubted it himself, the capitation grant should be continued, for the material it was expended upon was public property, or was used for the public benefit. A good deal of good-natured banter then took place upon the Chinese question, the speaker declining to say whether he was J in favor of a poll tax being imposed, as deeper questions underlay this one. He did not think restrictions could be imposed to keep them out altogether, but he would cer tainly be in favor of making them con* tribute to the expense of maintaining the Government and public works, from which while here, they reeeived the same benefit as the Europeans. The subjects for relevant questions now appeared to be exhausted, and a few others were put of a humorous nature, which Mr Partridge answered very good-humoredly, eliciting a remark from an elector, “ You have kept your temper very well, Mr Partridge. We ought to put you in.” The Chairman then invited the usual vote, but the friends of the candidate were back* ard at responding, and Capt, Sutter was about to declare the meeting over, when Mr Hunt proposed and Mr Arcus seconded a vote of thanks and confidence.

This was received with acelamation, and the Chairman declared it carried. Some one objected that it had not been put to the meeting, and the chairman called for a show of hands, and so many were held up that he declared the motion carried unanimously. Mr Partridge briefly thanked the audience and proposed a vote of thanks to the Mayor for taking the chair, and this being carried, the meeting terminated.