"WITH CHARITY FOR ALL"

Rotorua Morning Post, Volume 2, Issue 398, 6 December 1932, Page 4

"WITH CHARITY FOR ALL"

I Although the very breadth of I the question makes it difficult to grasp it in detail and to compre- ■ hend its probable reactions upon : the international situation, ther6 ! is no doubt that history is in the making, in the development of the war debts problem. Whether ; Am&rica decides to exact her j pound of flesh or to demand her just dues (according entirely to the point of view), the results must he mosF momentous and far-reaching. A world weary from war and itjS aftermath, i awaits the decision of the American people." The responsibility of the gravest decision since the deelarations of war, rests upon their shoulders. It is to be hoped, that in making its decision, America of to-day will draw some inspiration from the words of its great President, Abraham Lincoln, in a speech delivered on March 4, 3865: j "With malice towards none, with charity for all, with firmness in the j right, as God gives us to see th'e j right, let us strive on to finish the work wa are in, to bind up the naj tion's wounds, to care for him who j shall have borne the battle . ... to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." In these words there is a sentij ment that passes far outside the j bounds of national parochialism ; it is a sentiment partieularly applicable to the decision which confronts the American people to-day — "to do all which may 1 achieve and cherish a just and ! lasting peace among ourselves j and with all nations." In their ; second note on the war debts ! question, the statesmen of Great l Britain have set out the position | plainly and without false appeal to sentiment. They have shown the consequences of break down and disaster which must f ollow a rigid enforcement of the terms of the American debt. Under these conditions, no "lasting peace" will be possible for among nations economically disturbed, dissension finds a fruitful breeding ground. When the United States Governrnent, replying to the first British Note on the question of war debts, asserted that no reasons justifying suspension had been advanced in support of the request, it, could not have expected the overpowering broadside which has been delivered in the second Note, the most remarkable State document issued for many years. Its simplicity of expression, masterly summary of facts, and overwhelming logic shonld force the message straight to the heart and mind of the American people. It is not a communication from a nation parading in the'role of a suppliant; the Note does not ask a favour ; it merely shows that Great Britain, because of her heroic performances, is entitled to special consideration, and if she does not get that, the evil consequences following rejection of her suggestion will be borne by America in company with other nations. If America is convinced by one point in, the Note it should be that she will gain nothing by not suspending payment of the present instalment of the debt until the whole question of interGovernmental indebtedness is investigated. All that she will have is a cargo of gold and a further contracted market for her produce, with consequent increase of hardship for her people. It is unfortunate that the Presid-ent-elect should have revealed hirqself at this stage as an opponent of readjustment, and it bodes ill for his Administration that he should declare so unequivQcally that he intends to abide by the' narrow principles of nationalism at a time when • all enlightenecf thinkers are taking brqg,der views of world order. Pitiful statements have also

tic senators and members of the House of Representatives who are avowed opponents of postponement or cancellation. The greatest hope is that the masterly presentation of the British case with its explanation of what Great Britain has already paid will convince the American people that it is in their interests to have the debt demands modified. If the people want a certain course of action to be taken, Congress will probably be more susceptible to reason than it appears to be now. The only critical answer that the United States can make to the Note is to suggest that the debtor nations should further reduce their expenditure on armaments. There would be no complaint if America made concession conditional upon armament reductiqn. If she did that she migiit lead the world to ap. era providipg absolute security qnd allowing greater con'tentment than