IRISH REPUBLICANISM

Rotorua Morning Post, Volume 1, Issue 174, 16 March 1932, Page 4

IRISH REPUBLICANISM

Events in the-Irish Free State since the success at the polls of the Spanish-Irish-American, Mr. Eamonn de Yalera ancl his Fianna Fail supporters have moved so swiftly, and Ireland being Ireland, have been managed with so keen an eye to the dramatic possibilities, that it is not easy at this distance to preserve a sense of proportion. English press comment, also, or such of it as has been eabled to New Zealand, has been largely conservative in outlook, and therefore nnfriendly toward the new order. It cannot be denied, however, that there are, in the present situation, all the elements of serious trouble. Mr. de Valera has consistently shown himself to be an_ implacable enemy of England and is sworn to cut the connection between the two countries. He led the serious rebellion in Southern Ireland in 1916, when Great Britain was fighting the sternest war in her history. Sentenced to death for this exploit on a charge of treason his sentenee was commuted and he was later released. Jr'or three years he claimed the title of President of the Irish Kepublie which, though it never obtained executive control of the country, appears to have been fully organised and undoubtedly was widely recognised among the people of the Free State. And now ten years after the proclamation of the Free State as a self-governing member of the British Commonwealth of Nations, he and his party have done at the ballot box what they never succeeded in doing by force of arms . It is true that their occupancy of the Treasury benches in the Dail is dependant, at least in theory, upon the support of the little group of Labour rnembers, but more than one happening since their assumption of power, seems to justify a doubt whether they would be willing to surrender to the vote what they have waited so long and fought so bitterly and bled so heavily for and have finaily gained through the vote. The new Government's action in releaSing political prisoners before the ink was dry in their commissions is understandable. It might, however, be illuminating to learn the particular crimes for which the released prisoners were held. The description "political" can be and has been made to cover a multitude of sins. Far more significant is the parade in Dublin, reported in the -eabled' news published yesterday, of four highly trained and fully equipped battalions of the Irish Republican Army. This is convincing evidence of the failure of the Cosgrave administration to do more than drive underground this definitely subversive force and of the de Valera Government's readiness to recognise it. The numerical strength of the parade is hot indicated in the cables, but it was obviously eonsiderable. Its significance is suggested by the fact that the total strength of the constitutional armed forces of the Free State is only just over 6000 aecording to the latest available figures. So much for the possibilities of trouble should Mr. de Valera — or the powerf ul machine he has created, proving too strong for him — decide to carry the policy of Republicanism to its logical conclusion. On the other side of the picture there are, of course, the tens of thousands of ioyal Irishmen. But perhaps still more effective in a "land where emotionalism so easily takes control in politics, there is the FrOe State's economic situation. A primary producing country to a greater degree even than New Zealand — the mdustrial ; Centres are chiefly concentrated in the north and give to Uls^er her' strength — her trade figures for 1930 suggest the powerful economic influence which Great Britain can exercise should the need arise. The total trade of the Free State for the year 1930 was valued at £102,500,000, imports amounting to £56,768,000 and exports to £45,745,000. Of imports, Great Britain and Northern Ireland supplied £45,425,000, while they took £41,794,000 Worth of exports. They thus between them took over 91 per cent. of the Free State's exports and supplied a little more than 80 per cent. of her imports. If, therefore, Great Britain decides officially to link the enjoyment of privileges definitely to the honouring of obligations, as an influential London journal already has suggested should be done should the need arise, Mf. de Valera and his supporters are likely especi'ally in' the present difficult economic situation of the world to find themselves opposed to a force far more effective, because far more difficult to come to grips with, and far more widespread in its effects, than the whole British army, the further use of which in Ireland, except iii defence of British or Northern Irish liyes, is unthinkable. It is therefore probable that, without resorting to bloodshed, Mr. de Valera and his friends, in wofking j out their political destiny, are likely to find plenty of that" drama j for which their souls seem to crave.