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BRITISH CABINET CRISIS

iTie manner in which it is proposed to meet the crisis which hks arisen in the British National Cabinet in connection with the tariff question is both a striking example of the sincerity of the British ministers individually and an impressive illustration of the unique flexibility of the British Constitution and its adaptability to ehanging conditions and unusual developments. Perhaps in no other country in the world would the members of a Cabinet composed, as the British Cabinet is, of representatives of three great parties, one of which is overwhelmingly the strongest in Parliament, have had the courage and the patriotism to do what the British Cabinet has done and give a minority of its members, who individually are members of the minority parties in the House, complete liberty of action on a policy of major importance. As is stressed in the cabled reports of political developments in London, the Cabinet is fully alive to the supreme importance of maintaining a united national front in this time of national and world crisis, and this no doubt, has been the chief factor in enabling it to reach its broadminded decision, but the fact remains that it is practically impossible to visualise the Government of any other great power following a similar course. In order to reach such a decision, sacrifices have had to be made, not only by members of the majority Party, the Conservatlves, who after all are practically eertain of a favourable vote in the House, but also by the dissenting minority, to whom the situation must have offered most tempting oppurtunities for making political capital. The question at issiie, tariff s versus free trade, is one which has for years divided the political parties in Great Britain more sharply, perhaps, thah any other, and to mere politicians a chance of martyrdom in defence of one of the cardinal articles of their political faith would have been irresistable, despite the fact that in the present case it would at the moment have been entirely futile. Such a gesture, however, at the present- time would have been definitely prejudieial to the national interests and so, being statesmen, the Ministers concerned have apparently decided to accept liberty of actiqn in speech and vote on the point at issiie and to continue to serve their. country in her hour of need in the most effective way, namely, by sticking to their posts. As is pointed out in the cabled message, the whole procedure is very nearly unique. Under most national constitutions it would probably be impossible, but so flexible is the British constitution, which is not hampered, as others are, by being committed to writing, that the situation has still to arise which cahnot iri one way/or another be effectually and at the same time constitutionally dealt with. In the method adopted by the British Cabinet in handling what is, from any poiht of view, an awkward situation, there is a lesson for the Dominion's Coali-t-ion Government. This is, the value, eSpecially in times of stress, of cburageous frankness in its felatiohs with the ptiblic. The teihptation to try and cover up the difficulty and perhaps to meet it by means of a compromise must have been strong, especially as Yiscount Snowden, whose name is one to Coiijure with at Honie, was apparently oiie of the minority opposed to the imposition of a general tariff. Had any such attempt befen made, however, publie eorifidence in the National Cabinet must have been shaken, Whereas that Confidence will, as a result of the frank admission of the difficulty and the fafseeihgy means adopted to meet it, unquestionably be strengthened.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/RMPOST19320125.2.10.1

Bibliographic details

Rotorua Morning Post, Volume 1, Issue 130, 25 January 1932, Page 4

Word Count
608

BRITISH CABINET CRISIS Rotorua Morning Post, Volume 1, Issue 130, 25 January 1932, Page 4

BRITISH CABINET CRISIS Rotorua Morning Post, Volume 1, Issue 130, 25 January 1932, Page 4

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