The Times. PUBLISHED ON TUESDAY AND FRIDAY AFTERNOONS.
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1918. THE LAW OF NATIONS
"We nothing extenuate, nor let down aught in malice."
Xow that the greatest tragedy of all the ages is drawing near its close the opportunity seems fitting tor a brief review of the breaches of international law which have caused this struggle to differ in entirety from all wars that have been waged between civilised nations in modern times. Such a reminder is all the more necessary because we have among us hundreds of people who for sentimental, or perhaps for baser reasons, are quite prepared to overlook the breaches of it that have been committed by onr enemies, and would be quite content to let the perpetrators go unpunished and unrepentant.
International law has been the gradual outgrowth of wars between chivalrous and human peoples, who by degrees came to recognise certain rules as to conducting a war wth decency and a due regard to playing the game fairly . The hundred years during which we were at war with France, with only short intervals of peace, were responsible for the inception of most of the rules for regulating the methods by which war may or may not be carried on. Many of them were embodied in treat ies made at the conclusion of peace, and later crystalised iuto definite codes by such international gatherings as the Hague conferences and the Geneva Conventions. During t'le present war it has often been argued that international law has been useless because it
has not been supported by any force capable of enforcing it upon those breaking it. The failure of the Allies and of neutral nations to make Germany pay any attention to the laws dictated bv humanity and civilisation has been pointed to as evidence of the failure of international law. But is that so- Does not the faet
that we and our Allies throughoat have punctiliously observed all the rules and usages of civilised war-fare show that international law is a living force in itself ? And now that we have '' carried on " in honesty till we can see the end is it not our duty to exact from the transgressors a penalty in proportion to their crimes, so that for all time an object lesson may be set up to show nations that the laws of God and humanity cannot be flagrantly set aside ? It is not vengeance that is required, but retributive justice.
We trust no sickly sentimentality will interfere to prevent justice being done. The crimes of Germany against humanity are so heinous that it would be absolutely wicked to condone them. The destruction of hospital ships, the firing on the Red Cross, the sinking of merchant and passenger ships, the shelling of lifesaving boats and the crowning wickedness of the brutal ill-treat-ment of helpless prisoners of war must be paid for by the individual perpetrators. If we are to remain self-respecting nations we must find and punish them if we have to put all Germany through a sieve to do it. Like nearly all people of brutal natures the Germans are curs at bottom, and they now seem to be prepared to offer up the Kaiser as a scape-goat, provided they can by doing so escape the punishment they have earned. We fall to see that the Kaiser Is either worse or better than the majority of the German people. The " fierce light that beats upon a crown " has shown him up more in the limelight, but up to the time that the failure of the German arms became apparent the people aided and abetted him with all their might and main. His guilt is great, and calls for exemplary punishment, but that punishment must not be allowed to condone the crimes of his subjects.
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Pukekohe & Waiuku Times, Volume 7, Issue 423, 5 November 1918, Page 2
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634The Times. PUBLISHED ON TUESDAY AND FRIDAY AFTERNOONS. TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1918. THE LAW OF NATIONS Pukekohe & Waiuku Times, Volume 7, Issue 423, 5 November 1918, Page 2
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