ROBERT BLATCHFORD'S VIEWS.

Pukekohe & Waiuku Times, Volume 6, Issue 290, 6 July 1917, Page 2 (Supplement)

ROBERT BLATCHFORD'S VIEWS.

THE NEXT WAR. WHY VICTORY MUST BE COMPLETE. PRUSSIANISM MUST BE KILLED. Bv ROBERT BLATCHFORD, in Uie "Sunday Cinvjnrk

The hostile reception of Mr. Wins-ion Churchill's prophecy that the war will not ho over until 1918, has strengthened a doubt which has been growing in my mind of late as to whether our Government, our Press, and our Peoplo have, oven at this Into hour, I>e>jun to realise the seriousness of the German menace. When we express a hope that the w;ir will be over this year, or that the end of the coming summer will bring with it the defeat of Germany, what is it that wo hope for or expect? Let us ask ourselves a plain question. Suppose the Germans are compelled to sue for peace this year, do we believe or can we expect to enforce such terms as will ensure a solid and lasting peace? Do wc expect that before the close of 11)17 we shall have defeated the Germans so decisively that w,c may regard the Prussian military power as finally destroyed? That we all of us desire such a victory, and the ensurance of such a peace, is certain. But do wc think we can win it: and win it this year, or next year?

Mr. Churchill thinks the war will not be over until 1918. I wish T could believe that the war will be really over in 2018. Pessimism is seldom helpful; and no man would willingly adopt the role of a "dismal Jimniie"; but a blind optimism, costs, as wo have learned, a terrible price and it is not Aviso to allow the desire of the heart to hypnotise tlv.! understanding.

each other. They are fierce, resolute, urn-crapulous and clever. They mean to try again, and to try harder. They want another war: and they mean to have, another war.

Our safety lies in facing facts, and the uglier the facts are. the more imperative is the need for facing them. ■I have here a letter from a French gentleman resident in Lancashire. The writer thinks that when the German armies are defeated the German people will dethrone the Kaiser and set up a republic. He says that such a republic would be saddled with all the crimes and blunders of tlv> present Imperial Government; that the people will have so manv difficulties and so many burdens to contend with that they will grow discontented. AN INCIDENT IN PARIS. He savs: ''The political and the natural law (forgetfillness) will play a gr;-at part, in bringing once again imperialism." Ho says: "In tin's way the root of imperialism will never be severed. ' There are Frenchmen then, as optimistic as are most of our own people. Now. when I hear or read about the overthrow of Prussian militarism, the dethronement of the Kauser. the establishment of peace "on a permanent basis," and the construction of international alliance to forbid war, T am reminded of a little incident m Paris in the autumn of 1914. Just after the Battle of the Manic and the Aisne I was in one of the Pans boulevards one morning when a convoy of British supply and transport cars drew up elos,- to the place where I was walking. The French people crowded round the cars and gazed at them with interest. I went and spoko to a young driver of the A.S.C., and a French lady, who spoke a little English, asked me to question the soldier and tell her what he said. One question she asked very eagerly was "Have thoy taken the quarries?" When I had satisfied the lady I went on talking to the bov of the A.S.C. Ho was just in from Soissons. and his car was elu'pped and battered with shrapnel and shell splinters. He said tiie shellfire was terrific out there. And then he smiled pleasantly, and asked a question in return. He asked. "Do you think we shall pet homo for Christinas? "

That was in October of 1914. He thought the war would be over and that the army would be back in England for Christmas. I gave him the l>est smile I could accomplish, and a pipe and a pouch and some English tobacco, and said that no one could tell how long the war would last, but I was afraid ho would not be home in time for the Christmas pudding.

And I say now in answer to my French correspondent that 1 am afraid that the Kaiser will not he dethroned this year, and that his solicitude for the German Republic is somewhat premature. PLANNING FOR NEXT AVAR. I read somewhere last week the re|)ort of a speech made somewhere in Germany by some German general or statesman, on the subject of the next German war with England. The speakcr said Gemany had begun this war a year too soon." He said Germany was already laying plans for the n.ext war with England, and that the next war must not he begun a year too soon. Of course, one does not swallow German boasts or threats or declarations without salt. But the German who made that speech seems to mo to be nearer the heart of the matter than our French friend: he happens to be n Gorman. Let us reckon the facts. The object of tho Germans is nothing less than world domination. Hut it is something more; tor added to their burning hist lor power and conquest, there is now n deep and deadly longing for revenge upon the British Phnpire. li wo imagine that because Germany has failed in her long-premeditated at. tack upon the Entente Powers she will abandon her dreams of empire and her bitter hunger for revenge, we are no wise than we were in 100!), when Lord I'oberts was denounced for his "' indiscreet warning against a great friendly Power." Is fciiore anything in tho past history of Germany: is there anything in the German conduct of this war: is there anything in the staggering revelations of German plots and intrigues and espionage, and preparation, to lead any sano Briton to suppose that Germany, unless she be utterly defeated and crushed, and rendered impotent for further harm, will forego her ambitions or her revenge? Germany has mean* of commercial, international and military organisation such as no <.'tiv»r nation jiossesses. No other Fnropean pimple are m> subservient to authority, so docile under discipline, :-o easily gulled by their lender-, as nr'> the Germans. Directly peace i- proclaimed, upon the best term-- Germany can get. the en- ! ire German race not only in Germany, Imil in other countries, will unite in i-t"en-nous prejiarat on- for the next war. WAITING I'oi: KFA'KXGK.

Arc wo to MiiHH-. t!i:it Tuikev. if s], . is ilnv.'ii out of Kliropo :ui(l deprived of o.»mt;Uil.ilKin. 1 (< and tin* Oardanollei will not <-li»ri-li any feeling ~f ,v\vimc 5 Ami wlnil of Rultiana Tli • i> nidation of Gernvitiv an.! An< , pii ,-Uun'»n :- -»>...■.;.■„..' liko 120 iru1!,,,.„ !,,,.„ Tl» -,< two n.-it; His hive tho <-, v.at of a r.-nt ral Position Tl.-v ."Mi orcaiviM. tof.'otlior. tvmnmnicato (1-v.tly and oasilv will.

We can prevent tiicm from accomplishing their purpose; tint to do that wo must recognise their purpose; wo must not deceive ourselves with the kind of claptrap which was so popular before the war .about "our brotherman," and the "great friendly Power," and the "solidarity of nations." Britain does not want war; docs not love war. Franco does not love or want war. There will be a very natural disposition on the part of the British and French pooplo to rejoice in the terms of peace, and to trust in its permanence.

What is the nature of the common hope of tiio British people? What do our people expect a peace, to bring? they expect it to bring relief and happiness and prosperity. Everybody is to make money and have a good time. There is to be no Protection, no compulsory military training. Germans and German trade are not to be shut out of the Empire. We are to hare universal adidt suffrage, cheap commodities, high wages: and an .era of peace, .and blessedness, and pink humanitarian dreams!

i And our people expect all this—with a hundred and twenty millions of iraI placable and insatiable enemies in Eui rope; with a savage and revengeful i Turkish Empire; with tens of millions I of German patriots in America and other foreign countries, j Wo expect to go back to slippered ! ease and jest and jocund jollity, free from any danger from a ravenous, ambitious 'group of empires which have i been defeated and foiled : have lost their : colonies and millions of lives. We ex- :. poet .all this; or we Sjoem to expect all , this, if wo are to judge by the general I expression of faith in a nermanont i peace. THE ONLY SAEE COURSE. So I put before our readers this proposition—that just as we shall only ! get peace by fighting for it and win- ; ning it, so we shall only keep peace by 1 preparing to fight for it and hold it. And to that end we must face the facts and us/? every legitimate means open to us to prevent our enemies from re- ' covering their strength and reorganisI ing and consolidating their power. j The danger that will confront us af--1 ter this war will he the danger which I confronted us, and went near to destroy , ÜB, before the war: tlio danger of our own unreadiness, of our own blind plai cidity. I It is not enough to parry an assass- | in's blow; one must disarm him. To ! give liim back his dagger in the foolish ■ trust that he will cease to be an assassin, is to court renewed attack. Germany in the future will have a greater ! lust and a greater hate; die will have less to lose and more to gain by war; ■ the will still, and will for ever remain, ; a Hun. She has proved herself before ! this war and throughout this war faithless, treacherous and cunning. No Briton who knows anything of Germany's commercial, military, financial and diplomatic methods in the past will fall into the fatal error of trust- . ing or believing her again. Her impudent acts of incendiarism, murder and j espionage in America; her latest plot i to bring Mexico into the war and to ! posuado Japan to dishonour herself are proofs that the Hun is not capi able of repentance or of honourable I feeling. Those who trust Germany : will be again betrayed, j Our only safe course is to recognise I that any peace, unless concluded upon j terms so stern and so inexorable as to paralyse Germany for a century, will 1 be a mere armistice. We must believe, j much as we hate the fact, that if we , do not now, or cannot now disarm and ! render the Huns impotent, we shall have to fight them again, and may have to fight them single-handed, j j HUNS DANGEROUS IX PEACE. i Tho British Empire could fie;ht Ger- | many single-handed and could beat her, if tho British Empire were organised : : and prepared for war. But before the Empire can be organised for war the people of the Empire must l»o convinced that such organisation is necessary.

There is another fact to be kept in mind. Dangerous and formidable p« Germany is in war she is more dangerous and formidable in peace. When an entire nation is organised for commercial, social, financial and diplomatic intrigue; when Government and people unite, as in Germany to gain all manner of secret and illicit influcJice in every other country on the glolxv they are more dangerous than when they tear up treaties and march their armed hordes into neutral lands. Germany working insidiously to set other Powers by the ears: Germany aiding and fomenting mistrust, class hatred, rel-.dlion or disaffection anions oilier Powers; Germany scheming to gain monopolies of raw materials essential to the food supplies, the industries or Ih.o armaments of rival nations: Gernvmy spving, undercutting, dumping, blackmailing, and picking other pioplo's brains; Gormanv i" any oi her nefarious and stealthy activities, is a -renter menace to any country that will consult to endure her odious contact llian Gcrmanv with the mask off thre.it. cning lire and slaughter. When some vears betore the war, I was Irving to draw public attention to tPc inuvMiding tragedv 1 found it mi-,,,',-sih'o to get our |>eople to look at Ih". evidence. The nooolo hated war ;im ] know nothing of foreign politics. ~n,l less of Germ-ui history; and their Uders assnrrdthent there no dan- ,.„,. Whv '-bo-ild tliev l.s-d uv> »li."i they would net 1 d Lord Robert s.NO PHAGE THIS YEAR. Are the people and their lend, rs much

wiser to-day? Have they begun to Learn the 10-son s This is not only the greatest and terrible war in history; it is the first crash of a great racial war that must he and will he fought to a fin. Mi.

Sooner or Inter Germany and the Germans wIII smash the British Empire, unless the British Empire smashes them Overtly or covertly the struggle may continue for centuries: or it may be ended in one swift and overwhelming cataclysm.

I repeat, I do not discern in the arts or words of the Government, the Press or the people anv signs that this tremendous issno has l>oen recognised, or is being prepared for. I sec nothing in the military situation which will justify the lope of such a crushing victory oi th,-> Entente Powers in 1917 or 191S as will leave Germnnv impotent for harm. T fee no indications that our people are alive to tiie (Linger of the methods employed by Germany in times of rv>aeo. . , 1 have to warn our country against the German menace to-day and to-mor. ,ow as enmestiv as T warned our country against the German menace ol vestordiv. , ' Enless the victory we hope to win (his vear. or nest year is an overwhelming victory, the si.Wpient peace with Germany wi'i I* a mere truce, and whife ,},at truce ln-ts we shall bo compelled to strain ev-ry nerve to prepare for the inevitable war. r Meanwhile the German ootomis et po.wf.il penetration will its eniu'es abroad. 1 trv to believe that r nudes will not lie allowed to 'llnt.wu- country or France or Riwsa, „, T look in vain Tor any encourage. ,„,.,„ Tom .hov who are r^J f„ r ,he security and the welfare of tin Empire.