America and Europe.

Pukekohe & Waiuku Times, Volume 5, Issue 215, 6 October 1916, Page 2 (Supplement)

America and Europe.

By FREDERICK PALMER.

ADJUSTING THE MORAL BALANCE.

CHANCE TO MAKE FRIENDS.

In an article contributed to a recent number of Collier's Weekly, Frederick Palmer, the famous war correspondent, sets out to make plain the attitude of the Allies towards his own country—America. At the one end of the scale he finds the man whose constant taunt is the notorious Too Proud to Fight phrase; at the other the man who simply agrees that America is doing just what she should do in view of all the circumstances. Frederick Palmer explains the value which must be attached to both views, and for his own part finds much reason in the attitude which says: "For America to come over and fight our battles is out of the question, but at least she might support us more definitely on the moral side." Extracts from the article are given herewith.

Americans who look on the European War as a ghastly orgy of murder among civilised people must not forgot how wj resented European opinion m 1861-03 that our Civil War was sheer folly and fratricidal slaughter. What would our soldiers have thought if a European statesman had lookod across the water toward the Wilderness and said: "We are too proud to fight''? All depends upon the mood of your audience. When the audience is fighting as hard as it can, it thinks that fighting is the thing, or it would not he fighting. A single sentence, vivid, complete in idea, tripp : ng easily off the tongue. u-.cnt into every newspaper in Europe without the quotation of the rest of the speech; into the alleys of every city, fhe doorways of every cottage, and into the trenches where man's only pride is his ability to fight. It was as psychologically unfortunate as Miss Addams' report that the soldiers went into the charge under the influence of rum and ether, which she meant as a compliment to their humanity in that they could not bring themselves to such horrors when in a normal state of mind, while they took it as implying that they had no courage without the aid of stimulants. All Americans who have !>een in Europe agree that the peopl.? at home hav.e no real appreciation of the horrm and intensity of the struggle. \ou must live with .it and fael it in order to realise it. There is no home and no human being in Europe that has not suffered from it. -Europe is in the war mood. Men are giving their liv.es freely for a cause. Women are sacrificing everything in utter exaltation o f spirit. Picture a man covered with blood locked in deadly struggle, with his brother's widow and his own wife urging him on to harder blows. Another man, who is Uncle Sam, is looking on. Ho is insulted, his face is slapped (according to the light of Europe at the present moment), but he refuses to striko back, saying: "I wouldn't do that sort of thing! I am too proud!"' Of course this, the American says, is a wrong conclusion, but a man who is putting all he has into a fight for life does not always stop to go behind events or remarks. He takes them literally. Momentary risk of death by a shell-burst js a literal business. Yet the most normal and. to my m/nd, most representatively sound views of the attitude of the average Englishman toward the United States wmo from an officer who had been at the front for a year. "When .people in Europe say that they want the United States to come in," said he, "what do they mean? Are you simply to break off diplomatic relations with Germany? Are you going to send troops to France? If you had them, where would you get ships to send them? It would take you a year to train and equip them. 'Hie only logical reason for bringing you in is to defeat German militarism, which you consider such a menac.e to civilisation and so formidable that it is your duty, as cue of the family of nations, to throw vour weight in the scale against :t.

"If you over undertake measures of war against Germany, which moans assistance for the Allies in overcoming her, then it will he proof that not only is America not too proud to light, but that she is ready to fight for a great principle, which in a way is no economic concern of hers. You have nothing to ga, : n. no indemnity, not a square foot of land. Your own country is not m danger of invasion as yet; you do not pay taxes for the defence of the British Empire, or France, or Ttalv, but for the defence of tlie United States. Can ada and Australia are part of the Hritis.li Empire, and the British navy | toots them. "Naturally I should like to see a million American solders in France. The more soldiers we have the wor>e lor the Germans and the quicker the end. But T see no reason why any one of the Allies should expect your heli> unless we can give something in return. This is speaking as a matter of business, as you Americans say, and I quite understand the way you see it. It is the way I should see it if I were sn American. It is a long way from spending money for the defence of the Atlantic Coast of the Panama Canal to spending it for the defence of erdun and Ypres. • NOT OUR BUSINESS."

"Your relations with Germany as nation to nation constitute another matter. It isn't for us to offer an opinion. But you must understand that wo are convinced that we are fighting -.gainst a military system whoso object is conquest. We think wo are fighting for individualism and democracy and all tuat they mean to America as weil as to France and England and to Australia and C'anach. Englishman who want America to come into the war must not forget that t was only the invasion of Belgium thnbrought us in. It was touch and go .for two days whether we should come in or not. What we do regret is that you did not protest against the outrage i;-' Belgium. A civilised people who only that' they he left alone had their territory violated. Of all nations. America is probably the most anti-iiii! : tarist at heart. You gave Cuba her freedom. Wo shculd have liked to see you hold up your hand and I'.' publicly counted as a naton against the rape of Belgium "'A nation in its conduct must be like an individual : jt must keep to a certain line. Otherwise it is misunderstood. Had von presented a i ultima-

turn to Germany after the Lusitanrt incident, do you think that she would have persisted ..in her submarine policy? Most people in Europe think not But it is for you to decide. Certa/nl T wt do not think that you as a peopla are too proud to fight. We officers have read the history of your Civil War, and people do not change their character through 40 or 50 years years of as the European War has so well proved. There is no people who will not fight, but that is not saving that all people know when to figh: or what to fight for."

NOT UNDERSTOOD

Broadly speaking, uninformed Europeans regarded America as a Strange combination of idealism and money lust. We fr.eed Cul>a. and we gave back the indemnity to China yet our aim in life seemed to be to accumulate wealth. Europe thought thai one it cur eccentricities was to fight for a principle and for national honour. We protested about the treatment of .Tews in Russia; we refused to colonise Mexico, and yet we did not protest about the invasion of Belgium. We spent millions in educating the Filipinos, but would rather prosper than stand up to Germany about the Lusitania. Franc,e and England count us as in thenworld ; on their side of tire fence. To France we are a Republic; to England we are the land of knidred tongue and inherited institutions. Fr.'.nce and England ar.e fighting for civilisation, giving life and treasure for it. as they sea the war. All who believe as they do ought to be openly on their side. When you are at war there ic- no philosophy. Everybody must b° for ">r against you. The two great allied peoples who are fighting to hold the Germans back on the western front would not be human if, when they thought of American prosperity, it did not occur to them that we were making r oney out oi their misfortune and sacrifice of life. They forget that London and Paris were more luxurious in their d'splar of wealth before the war than New York. It is only natural that occasionally an Englishman or a Frenchman slioudl break out witii the exclamation: "America will have her turn!' in irritation if not in envy with no end of the war in sight. It does soem in keeping with the mood of this world of war that only one big nation should be out of it. Sot that all thin!? that way, or that those who do will continue to think that way. "We also have our munition millionaires,'' said one Englishman. "It is well not to forget that, or that workers are getting higher wages than ever before. The sale of jewellery proves it. What will come afterward? How lean the following years will be for Europe no one can foresee." "And for America, too," I said. "You are thinking of that on the other side of the water, too? Well, you have perspective, or you ought to have. It is almost impossible to retain any over here."

IF ONLY—

The day the table announces that the United States has broken with Germany will l>e the most memorable f c England, with the exception of the diy when she declared war. It will be England and France the setting of the final judgment of the nations against the Kaiser, and every Fro neb. man and Englishman I have mot thinks that it will hasten the end of .he war and hob to bring a sane and permanent peace which means the triumph of anti-mili-tansm.

Are we negligible? Every time that wo stiffen in our defence of international law, and the rights of ne.itrals, little Holland and the other neutrals stiffen, too : and when we weaken they weaken, for they guide themselves by us. Never have we had such an opportunity, and never such a responsibility among the nations, as Europeans realise better than we do. The time is one for .ittion; the world is niciten hot with war, and one stroke jt decision may shape its future for a hundred years. Finally", some returning Americans hr.ve said that wo have no friends in Europe: we are alone aga/nst the world. I have found no difference n my English and French friends. Aa Englishman is slow to make bu'. he sticks. As for national friendips, they cannot bo one-sided any more than personal friendships. You must give as well as receive. National friendships depend upon intelligent self-interest, broad-minded cooper ition, and principles and ideas in common. "Will all Europe be aganst us after the war, as some Americans think? f have asked mi.ny Englishmen this question frankly. Some simply said: ■Rot!" or "Nonsense!"' One, speaking more atTength. said: "When you try to conquer Canada by force of arms, and she asks our aid, we will be against you!" Another s,iid : "Xo, we cannot be against you, however much we may bicker, any more than •you ran lie against us on great issues; for v,e have big. vital ideas in common. If you freed Cuba, we also turned South Africa over to the Boers." Down deep the Englishman, a little envous of us sometimes, perhaps, has a pride in the United States and in tha |>art English civilisation has played in its development. If we break with Germany—so vital and terrible is the issuf of this war to every Englishman and Frenchman—we shall have friends who will stick through manv generations.