BRITAIN'S FIGHT TO FREE EUROPE.

Pukekohe & Waiuku Times, Volume 5, Issue 195, 28 July 1916, Page 3 (Supplement)

BRITAIN'S FIGHT TO FREE EUROPE.

PEACE COUNSELS THAT IGNORE UNSPEAKABLE WRONGS..

A NEW GERMANY.

THAT WILL NOT PLAN WARS TO BEGIN ON CHOSEN DATES,

We print below, says the London "Daily News," in the form of an interview given to Mr. Edward Price Bell, of the "Chicago News," a notable statement by Sir Edward Grey on the present objects of Great Britain and her Allies in the war. The Foreign Secretary spoke a month ago, but the interview is only now released for publication, and whether by design or not, will be read as a reply to the recent peace feelers put forth by Germany. The Allies can, says Sir Edward Grey, tolerate no peace that leaves the wrongs of the war unredressed. Abstract counsels of peace that ignore the unspeakable injustice imposed upon Belgium and make no attempt to discriminate between the rights and wrongs of the struggle, are ineffective and Irrelevant. The pledges given by Mr. Asquith as to the restoration of Serbia and Belgium shall be kept and the pact with our Allies will be honoured strictly and to the end.

In a remarkable passage the Foreign Secretary replies to the statement of the German Chancellor that this country desires to destroy "united and free Germany': "We want no. thing of the sort, but we should bo glad to see the German people free, and we believe that when once the dreams of world empire are brought to nought they will insist on the control of their own Government. A German dembcracy will not plan wars as Prussian militarism has. done, to take place at a chosen date in the future."

BRITAIN'S CASE. SIR E. GREY ON THE FIGHT FOR A FREE EUROPE. "Prnssian tyranny over Western Europe, including these Islands, our people will not stand. The pledges given by Mr. Asquith as regards the restoration of Belgium and Serbia shall be kept. We have signed a pact to make peace only in concert wtih our Allies; this pact, I need not say, we Bhall honour, strictly, and to the end. "What we and our Allies are fighting for is a free Europe. We want a Europe free not only from the domination of one nationality by another, but from hectoring diplomacy and the.peril of war, free from the constant rattling of the sword in th scabbard, from perpetual talk of shining armour and war lords. In fact." added Sir Edward, reflectively, "we fee! we are fighting for equal rights; for law, justice, peace; for civilisation, throughout the world, as against brute force which knows no restraint and no mercy." "What do you mean fiy the phrase, 'destructoin of Prussian militarism'?" L asked Sir Edward. INTOLERABLE TERMS. "What Prussia proposes, as we understand her, is Prussian supremacy," he replied. "She proposes a Europe modelled and ruled by Prussia. She is to dispose of the liberties of her neighbours, and of us all. We say that life on these terms is intolerable. And this, also, is what France and Italy and Russia say. W r e are not enly fighting Prussia's attempt to do. In this instance, to all of Europe what she did to non-Prussian Germany, but fighting the German idea of the wholesomeness, almost the desirability, of ever-recurrent war. Prussia under Bismarck deliberately and admittedly made three wars. We want a settled peace in Europe and throughout the world, which will be a guarantee against aggressive war. "Germany's philosophy is that a settled peace spells disintegration, degeneracy, the sacrifice of the heroic qualities in human character. Such a philosophy, if it is to survive as a practical force, means eternal apprehension and unrest. It means everincreasing armaments. It means arresting the development of mankind along the lines of cultture and humanity. We are fighting this idea.

"We do net believe in war as the preferable method of settling disputes between nations. When nations cannot see eye to eye when they quarrel, when there is a threat of war, we blieve the controversy should he settled by methods other than these of war. Such other methods .ire always successful when there is goodwill and no aggressive spirit.

SUBMISSION' OR WAR. "Our proposal of a conference wa rejected by Germany: Russia, Frann and Italy all accepted it. Our props sal that Germany suggest some mean of peaceful settlement met with m success, nor did the Tsar's propose of arbitration. No impartial judg ment of any kind was to be permitto; to enter. It was a case of Europi submitting to the Teutonic will or go ing to war. After a moment's reflection, Sir E<! ward continued: "These two method: of settling international disputes—the method of negotiation and thi method of war—l ask you to consi;! er in the light of this struggle. D( we not see the disaster of the v.-a 1 method conclusively shown? Hoy much better would have been a con ference, or The Hague, in 1014. thai what has happened since! Tndustr; and commerce dislocated: the bur dens of life heavily increased: mil lions of men slain, maimed, blinded International hatreds deepened am. intensified: the very fabric of civili salion menaced —these from the \vn method. "The conference we proposed, o The Hague proposed by the Tsar would have settled the quarrel in : little time —I ~~ think a conferenci would have settled it in a week —ant all these calamities would have beei averted. Moreover —a thing of vas importance—we should have gone i long way in laying the permanen foundations for international peace.' "The injustice done by this wa has got to be set right. The Allie-

can tolerate no peace that leaves the wrongs of this war unredressed. When persons come to me with pacific counsels, I think Ihey should tell me what sort of peace they have in mind. They should let me know on which side they stand, for the opponents do not agree. If they think, for example, that Belgium was innocent of offence; that she has been unspeakably wronged that she should be set up again by those who bore her down > then, it seems to me, they should say so. Peace counsels that are purely abstract and make no attempt, to discriminate between the rights and the wrongs of this war are ineffective, if not irrelevant."

"Desire for conquest, lust for revenge, and jealousy of the economic competitor in the world market," I reminded Sir Edward, "were suggested by Herr Von Bethmann-Hollweg as "the three driving forces of the coalition against Germany before the war.'"

GERMANY'S UNFOUNDED CLAIMS.

"There was no coalition against Germany before the war," answered Sir Edward. "Germany knew there was no coalition against her. We had assured her, in the most formal and categorical way, that in no circumstances would we be a party to any aggression against her. She wanted us to pledge ourselves to unconditional neutrality—wanted us to declare that no matter what she did on the Continent we should not interfere.

"It is true that she always referred to a possible war forced on her. The trouble was that she gave us 110 test of a war forced on her. She remained free to claim that any war was forced on her. I need hardly remind you that at the outset Italy, the third member of the Triple AH'ance, definitely refused to accept this view. No one thought cf attacking Germany; there was not a measure taken by any other Power that was not purely defensive; the German preparations were for attack, and were far ahead of others on the Continent." "You observed the German Chancellor's recent reference to Belgium as a 'bulwark?' "

"Belgium was a bulwark—defensive of Germany, of France, and of European peace. This bulwark, until Germany decided to make war, was in no danger from any quarter. In April, 1913, we had given renewed assurance to Belgium to respect her neutrality. When war threatened we asked France if she would adhere to her pledge to respect the neutrality of Belgium. She said 'Yes.' We asked Germany the same question, and she declined to answer. DESTROYED THE BULWARK. "Immediately afterwards, in scorn of her signature, she assaulted and destroyed the bulwark. Herr Von Bethmann-Hollweg acknowledged the wrong, pleading that 'necessity knows no lav/,' and promised that as soon as Germany's military aims were realised she would restore Belgium. Now he says there can be no sat us quo ante either in the East or in the West. In other words, Belgium's independence is gone, as Serbia's and Montenegro's are gone, unless the Allies can set them up again. "To all this we say to Germany, 'Recognise the principle urged by lovers of freedom everywhere; give to the nationalities of Europe a real freedom, not the so-called freedom doled out to subject peoples by Prussian tyranny, and make reparation as far as it can be made for the wrong ilcne.' "

"Should you mind indicating the object of Britain's rapprochements in recent years?"' I asked. "Good relations and an end to qu.arreh' with other Powers. Going far hack, we had working relat'ons with the Triple Alliance. But we were habitually in friction with France or Russia. Again and again it brought us to the verge of war. So we decided to come to nn arrangement with France, and then with Russia—not with any hostile intent towards Germany, or any other Power, but wholly to pave the way to permanent peace. So. instead oi preparing for war, .as Germany asserts, without a vesrtige of truth to support the assertion, we were endeavouring to avoid war. And German statesmen knew we were endeavouring to avoid war and not to make it."

PEACE WITH JI'STICE. "Nobody wants peace more than we want it. Hut we want a peace (hat docs justice, and a peace that re-establishes respect for the public law of the world. Presumably Germany would like neutrals to think we are applying pressure to Keep France, Russia and Italy in the war. We are net. "France. Russia and Italy need no urging to keen them in the war. They knew why they arc in the war. They know they are in it to preserve everything that is precious to national-' ily. It is this knowledge which makes them so determined and unconquerable. It is q.n'te impossible for me to express to you our admiration of the achievements of our associates in this struggle. And as is the measme of our admiration, so also will lie the measure of our contribution to the common cause. You have no'.ed that llerr Von fietlimann-Hollweg affirms that Britain wants to destroy 'united and free Germany.' " "We never were smitten with any such madiKss. Wo want nothing of the sort, and Ilorr Von Rethmanniiollwegg knows we want nothing of the sort. We should be glad to see the German people free, as we ourselves want to be free, and as we want the other nationalities of Etirove and of the woriu to be fre.- It belongs to the rudiments of political sconce, it is abundantly taught by history, that you cannot enslave a people and make a success of the job —that you cannot kill a people's soul by foreign despotism and brutality.

THE HOPE OF FREEDOM. "We aspire to embark upon no such course of folly and futility towards another nation. We believe that the German people—when once th dreams of world-empire, cherished by pan-Germanism, are brought to nought—will insist upon the control of its Government; and in this lies the hope of secure freedom and nainoal independence in Europe. For a German democracy will not plot and plan wars, as Prussian militarism plotted wars, to take place at a chosen date in the future." In the midst of war Sir Edward Grey's great vision remains a vision of peace—not a wobbly peace, not a peace vulnerable to political and militarist intrigue and ambition, but a peace secured by the unified and armed purpose of civilisation. Long before this war S.ir Edward hoped for a league of nations that would be united, quick, and instant to prevent and. if need be, to punish violation of international treaties, of public right, of national independence, and would say to nations that come forward with grievances and claims, "Put them before an impartial tribunal. Subject your claims to the test of law or the judgment of impartial men. If you can win at this bar you will get what you want; if you cannot, you shall not have what you want: and. if you attempt to start a war, we shall adjudge you the common enemy of humanity, and treat you accordingly. As footpads, safebreakers. burglars, and incendiaries are suppressed in nations, so those who would commit these crimes and incalculably more than these crimes, will be suppressed among nations." THE FIGHT TO EXD WAR. "Unless mankind tearns from this war to avoid war," said Sir Edward, in conclusion, "the strugg'e will have been in vain. Furthermore, it seems to me that over humanity will loom the menace of destruction. The Germans have thrown the door wide open to every form of attack upon human life. The use of poisonous fumes, or something akin to them, in war was recommended to our naval or military authorities many years ago, and was rejected by them as too horrible for civilised peoples to use. "The Germans have come with fioating mines in the open seas, threatening belligerents and neutrals equally; they have come with the undiscriminating murderous Zeppelin, which does miiltary damage only by accident; they have come with the submarine, which destroys neutral and belligerent ships and crews in scorn alike of law and of mercy; they have come upon blameless nations with invasion and incendiarism and confiscation; they have come with poisonous gases and liquid fire. All their scientific genius has been dedicated to wiping out human life. Thev 1 ave forced these things into general i>?€ in war.

"If the world cannot organise against war, if war must go on, then Tifitlons can protect themselves henceforth only bv using whatever destructive agencies they can invent, till the resoaicf and inventions of science end by destroying the humanity that they were meant to serve. The Germans assert that their culture is so extraordinarily superior that it gives them a moral right to impose it upon the rest of the world by force. Will the outstanding contribution or Kultur disclosed in this war be such effic'enc-y hi slaughter as to lead to wholesale extermination? "The Prussian authorities have apparently but one idea of peace, an 'ron i)?ace imposed on other nations by German supremacy. They do not understand that free men and free nations vill rather die than "submit to that ambition, and that there can be 110 ea( - war till it is defeated and renou need."