POLITICAL MEETING.

Poverty Bay Standard, Volume I, Issue 142, 28 May 1884, Page 2

POLITICAL MEETING.

MB. GANNON’S ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS. The above gentleman delivered an address to the electors last night at McFarlane’s Hall. About 6GO people were present. His Worship the Mayor, in the Chair, said : —Gentlemen, you are all aware of the purport of this meeting to-night. It is called to hear Mr. Gannon’s address to you upon political matters. lam sure you will be very glad to listen to him, and that you will accord him a patient hearing, as you are all aware of his elocutionary powers, and all he has to say will be interesting to you. OPENING REMARKS, Mr. Gannon, arose amidst great applause, clapping and stamping.—Mr. Chairman, gentlemen and electors of the East Coast, as the chairman has stated you are all aware of the object of this meeting. You will see that it is not necessary for me to go over the ground the other candidates have in explaining the object for which we come together. In the course of my remarks it will be necessary for me to make reference to what has fallen from the other candidates who have preceded me in their addresses to the electors. In doing so I hope for my own sake as well as for theirs that I shall be able to make those references without touching upon any matters that can in any way be construed into personalities. I think, gentlemen, when men come forward to contest for a great, coveted honor that they should be able to contest, and try their best to attain that honor, in such a way as need not trespass upon private matters or private feelings in any manner whatsoever. (Applause.) THE TWO PARTIES. Mr. Rees in the course of his address to you the other evening stated that there were two great political parties in this country—the Conservative Party and Liberal Party. He declared that Mr. Locke represented the Conservative Party, and he the Liberal. Now I propose to ascertain whether he does so or not. Gentlemen, instead of dealing with the terms Conservative and Liberal, which are rather vague in this country, let us deal with terms that are clearly and distinctly understood by all persons, namely, the Government and the Opposition. Now, we know who the Government is. We know that the Atkinson party, now in power, represent the Government, Let us endeavor to find out who represent the Opposition. In order to do that, two names will immediately occur to your minds, and those are the names of Sir George Grey and Mr. Montgomery. Here you perceive, gentlemen, there is something of a very anomalous character. You find that the Opposition has two leaders, and there are two heads to it. Here you find the extraordinary phenomenon of two suns shining in the one firmament two \ captains to the one ship. (Laughter and I applause.) In one particular the two capl tains agree. They agree upon the point that 1 if they can run down and sink the good ship Atkinson they will be perfectly satisfied. But a difficulty is in the way. The difficulty these two captains have to contend with is that they cannot agree on the course to steer after they have effected that object. Thus we see that while these two men are striving for the mastery, that the Government ship goes on its course. So long as these two captains quarrel among themselves, in spite of heavy weather, bad navigation, the rocks and shoals in the way, the Government ship manages to keep on its way. It is somewhat dismantled and weather-beaten, but still it goes on, steering against difficulties, and in spite of everything there is a strong probability that before long she will be stranded on a lee shore. (Voice: Take the barnacles off her bottom.) The best thing is to put Mr. Locke in and he can take them off. (Laughter.) That is the thing that will just suit him. (Claps.) He has made his mind up to that point as he would certainly not make up his mind what to do last night when asked whether or not he would support the Government. Dropping the nautical metaphor, let us look at the reasons why there is this difference between the policies of Mr. Montgomery and Sir George Grey. Mr. ' Montgomery says there should be separate ■ Governments for the two islands. He says let there be a Federal Council, which will have power over the Customs, the Telegraphs, and having the power to levy an income tax and to deal only with colonial matters. That, so far as I understand the subject, is the main feature in his policy. We will now turn to Sir George Grey. He does not go so fully into the subject. He says the colony ' should be united, and let it remain one undivided whole. Let not settlement be against | settlement—island against island. He says there should be no separation. He does | not say there is to be an income tax, but says let there be a tax put on land. On the subject of Federation, which is occupping the minds of the leading men of all the Australasian colonies, Mr. Montgomery says, let an appeal be made to the people. Sir George Grey says we must not have Federation. This is your Liberal party. This is Mr. Rees’s party. Does he belong to the Sir George Grey or to the Montgomery section? I will answer that question—The section he says he belongs to is the Grey section, and having got so far, we will proceed to analyse the difference between Mr. Rees and Sir George Grey on the Native land Question. You will perceive that the views which Sir George Grey advocates upon the question of Native lands are theseHe says the remedy he proposes—mark that word “Remedy,” for where you require a remedy there must be some disease, and he knows that the things that have gone on with regard to Native lands on the East Coast require remedying. (Applause). He proposes a remedy, and what is it ? He says that the Natives should have a right to sell their lands, that the Government should supervise the selling of it. That the land should be sold in small blocks, and not at exorbitant prices. By this means valuable land in the North Island would pass into the hands of small holders. That those lands should be sold in open market, and sold fairly—the word fairly should be in italics (laughter), in contradistinction to things that are not done fairly. Sir George Grey asks the people at Christchurch to help him to do this. How can Mr. Rees, agent for a great Land Company, support such a scheme. You will remember how Sir George Grey held aloof from the Native Land Company’s Bill last year. Mr. Rees comes here and gives theories with regard to the Native lands, and proposes measures that have been kicked out of the House. Things that the people here voted against some seven or eight months back, and who placed their veto on his doings and on his bill. Schemes that Parliament rejected and that the Press of the colony condemned as iniquitous. But after all that he again comes up with them. He would put the lands of the Natives into the hands of a few people — Maori trustees, — that they can hand them over to Mr. Thomas Russell and his followers. That, gentlemen, is Mr. Rees’s policy and you can compare it now with Sir George Grey’s. It is no new thing for Mr. Rees to endeavour to get a land bill passed, He has tried it before. In 1879 he endeavoured to get a Native Law Suits Bill passed, but that bill was thrown out. In 1880 another Bill was brought up by Mr. Rees called the “ East Coast Settlemem t Act.” I remember some of the provisions in that Bill, one of them was to the effect that a child, no matter what age or sex, if they had signed a deed conveying their lands to Natives as trustees, whether the children understood the deed or not that transaction nowithstanding anything to the contrary was to be valid and good. (Disorder) What I say is correct. I was in Wellington at the time the bill was sent down an d circulated amongst members, and it created a great deal of amusement. (Laughter). You have therefore an opportunity of seeing the sort of measure Mr. Rees advocates, in what ho calls the interest of this district. THE PRE-EMPTIVE RIGHT.

We have now to take the question of the Pre-emptive Right, which is a matter of the greatest importance, and will effect in the greatest possible degree the whole of the North Island, but more particularly the semi-Native districts of the character of the one in which we are now living. To make myself clear to you it will be necessary that I should make known what the proposal of the Government is with

respect to Native lands. Before doing that I will lead up to the point by giving an explanation. In this country there are about 40,000. Maoris—in round numbers. They are British subjects—subjects of Her Majesty the Queen. They own about 13,000,000 or 14,000,000 acres of land, and a just Government says that it will bring in an Act next session—in a few days’ time—declaring that those subjects of the Queen shall have no right to sell that land to anybody but the Government. How would such a law affect Europeans ? If there is to be one law for the Maoris and one for the Europeans. Why should such an iniquitous measure as that be brought forward ? You see then the intention of the Government. This is a question that they are going to stake their existence upon. It is a great Ministerial question, but it seemed to Mr. Locke the other evening to be of such trifling importance that he avoided all reference to it until Mr. Sheehan came upon the platform to drag his opinion with regard to it out of him. (Applause.) You see the side of the question so far as i) affects Native lands—let us look at the other side of the question and see how it affects the Government in their present financial position. Are they prepared to go into the field to buy Native land and compete against private capital. (Voice: Got no money.) Very well, it will be a difficult thing for them to buy it. They have in a few days’ time to face a dificiency in the revenue of £150,000. We find Major Atkinson tells the people of Christchurch that there is to be no more borrowing, or if there is to be any it is only to be carried on in such a way as to complete the unfinished works now in course of prosecution. In one breath he says there is to be no more money raised, and in another he says the Government have to take the right of buying land. One of two things is to be the result of that—either Major Atkinson stated a political untruth when he said that the Government would not borrow money for other purposes, or it meant that the Native Lands of the North Island would be simply locked up. It is either one or the other—it cannot be two. Nothing can be more unjust to the Natives or disastrous to the people of the North Island. (Applause.) NATIVE LAND POLICIES.

Reviewing the three policies with regard to Native Lands, that I refer to to-night, namely the Government policy, Mr. Rees’s policy, and Sir George Grey’s policy. I have no hesitation whatever in saying that of the three schemes Sir George Grey’s towers high above the others for honesty and justice to all sections. In my opinion I think the time has gone for the Pre-emtive right to be resumed. The Government had it one time, why did they not keep it ? They broke through it so that the particular good friends of the Government could get it, and so soon as they were satisfied, in came the Public Works Policy of 1870, which had to a great degree the effect of shutting private capitalists from dealing for Maori lands. I will give you an instance:—Some years ago a gentleman came here. He wanted to invest in Native land, I and was prepared to do so at once. He offered Bs. an acre for the land, but an agent of the Government came upon the scene, and his instructions were that the Government could give no more than 4s. an acre for the land. The result was that the man with capital, the man that was prepared, to be a valuable settler, went away carrying his money to another market, and the Government got the land for 4s. an acre, and they have got it now, and they could not sell it for ss. an acre the other day at public anction. My own opinion is that there should be free trade in Native land, that proper supervision should be made with fairness and justice to be meted out to all parties. But the proposals to exclude private purchase of the Native lands of the North Island, plays into the hands of the rich men down south, who have got vast runs there, and are waiting only to get the lands here closed up, when a better market can be offered for the disposal of their own. If there be any other object, then I fail to see it. CROWN LANDS. Referring to the Crown lands of the country I think a greater opportunity should be given and facilities afforded to the opening up of the Crown lands. Large sums were borrowed to purchase these lands, which are only lying I idle and useless. One great difficulty in the legislation of the Crown lands of the country is that the Government seek to get too high a price for it. I am not now going into the question M the policy of the Government in retaining the public estate in its own hands. We know well that throughout the world a large amount of attention by the leading men of the world are directed to that question, whether or not the State should retain in its own possession the lands of the Crown. We find the tendency throughout the world that the lands of the Crown are passing into the hands of a few people. But that question I would take an evening for itself; nor do I intend to go into the question of perpetual leases. I say that the Government do not offer sufficient inducement for people to settle on the Crown lands. Here, for instance, people are sent to the Waimata under the promise that roads would be made to their places. The settlers get there, but they don’t receive the treatment they are entitled to. That is only one instance. If the Government were even to let the people go on the land, the country would be recouped by the other benefits that would accrue to the State, by the population coming into the place. Learned men who have studied this great question state that the Crown lands of a country are of no intrinsic value in themselves until they are peopled; until people and producers go upon the land; and so long as the land lies idle it is practically useless to the country. POPULATION AND PRODUCERS. What we want in this district is population and producers. These are the two great factors. The unfortunate position of the East Coast district is that almost our only product is wool. That is the staple commodity of this district, and mainly of New Zealand. The moment we find any fluctuation occurs in the price of wool, depression immediately sets in, and we come to a period in our existence known as being “ uncommonly hard up.” That is one of the reasons why we should do all we possibly can to have the country opened up and settled. And way made for other industries. THE ADVANTAGES OF THE DISTRICT. This district has not the advantages in many respects as the more favored parts of the colony like Otago and Canterbury. They have advantages on account of their nearness to a market, and of having machinery for necessary agricultural purposes, and all things of that character. Although I say that this district has not those advantages, yet it has other great advantages. True our natural grasses are not so nutritious for stock, yet there are other advantages. Our land for. agricultural and pastoral purposes is unequalled. I will take you into my confidence and tell you this, tliat at Mangapapa, the wheat I grew there was sent to the Sydney Exhibition. It was made into flour and took the prize against all other wheat in New Zealand, and that is a thing that this place should be proud of. (Applause). A WARNING. Now, gentlemen, what we require to guard against very much is allowing la.rge areas of land passing into the hands of a few persons. I will tell you what I mean. Supposing, gentlemen, that I was a solicitor for a large Land Company. (Great laughter and applause). (Voice: And got five per cent.) And suppose I got five per cent, upon the value of all land acquired by me for the Company. I should not think that very unreasonable. (Laughter). Supposing I say I was a solicitor—if you are equal to that stretch of imagination, and suppose that wealthy capitalists in Auckland and elsewhere employed me on account of my influence over the natives to buy up large tracts of country for them. And suppose, gentlemen, I induced the Natives to sign over their lands to these wealthy people. Then suppose I was gifted with that •• fatal eloquence ” of of which we have heard, and came up here in this position and told you I was doing good for the district, when I had been literally sacrificing it and asked you to return me as your representative in Parliament. What would you think of me if I told you I was doing good for the district when as a matter of absolute fact such blocks of land as Okahuatiu, Paremata, Mangaheia, and others were through my agency handed over to such land monopolists as Mr. Thomas Russell and his friends. What right should I have to come {forward and claim to represent you ? Well, I’ve got a fair amount of nerve but I don’t think I could go that far. (Applause).

TE KOOTI. Leaving that part of the subject, I am going to refer now to another topic, and it is one that is not likely to provoke any feelings of mirth. The Government have systematically neglected this district, and the crowning contempt that it could heap upon us was by letting a man whose hands were steeped in blood, who had caused many an aching heart in this district—l say the crowning act of all was giving that man power by law to come into this hall and seat himself by the sides of those persons whose relatives were massacred by him. I say that power should not be given. There is another feeling above that of abstract justice. There is a consideration for the feelings of those persons who had suffered great sorrow, and I think that that was one of the unfortunate acts, so far as this district is concerned, of the present Government. (Applause.) I don’t wish to further refer to it. Let it pass. Let the veil drop upon it.

MR. REES AGAIN. Gentlemen, I cannot get rid of my friend Mr. Rees. (Great laughter.) I was awfully struck by a remark that was made. Someone was sitting just about where that gentleman with the eyeglass is at present, and he called out when Mr. Rees was speaking something about Mr. Locke, and Mr. Rees said that Mr. Locke represented “ sheep.” In that voice you so well know he told you that he represented “ men.” (Continued laughter.) But did he tell you what men he represented. How many of you did he represent ? (Voices: Jack Hearfleld—none.) We know who he represents: we know the people whom he only could represent, and that is the people in whose employ he is. He must either be true to Mr. Thomas Russell and be false to Grey, or false to Russell and true to Grey, for no man can serve two masters. (Applause.) We find thnt Mr. Rees said something about my not being able to give evidence of my political reliability. What do we find so far as Mr. Rees is concerned—and remember that he made a personal attack upon me at his meeting. (Voice: I deny it.) I hope that gentleman is not acting under power of attorney for Mr. Rees. (Laughter.) We found that when Mr. Rees entered Parliament the refrain that ran throughout his earliest address was of the iniquitous purchase by Mr Thomas Russell of the Piako Swamp. (Voices. Yes—no.) The man who says “ No ” can go to the Gisborne Library and turn up Hansard for 1876 and see what Mr. Rees did with respect to the Piako Swamp, and he will find what I say is correct. How did Mr. Rees act in the matter? He went so far as to say that no law would have Validated the action of the Government with respect to Mr. Russell, and we find him only a couple of years ago at the last election here, appealing to you and asking you if you were going to be lead by Mr. Thomas Russell and Mr. Whitaker, and if you were going to hand your rights over to them. He now comes here and says that Mr. Russell is the man for you. (Voice : Quite right.) We found this (that at the Choral Hall meeting in Auckland when Sir Julius Vogel was speaking and Mr. Bussell was in the chair. He opposed those men most bitterly. He has opposed Mr. Thomas Russell as well as Sir Julius Vogel for years. We find that Mr. Rees still retains implacable political hatred to Sir Julius Vogel whilst Mr. Thomas Russell becomes his bosom friend. Had not the 5 per cent, commission on land had anything to do with this change of feeling to Mr. Russell ? (Voice : What about Rees’s £300.) I say nothing about Rees’s £3OO. I will tell you why. Because I was employed by him in a confidential capacity with respect to that matter, and I am glad to have an opportunity of stating that there was nothing wrong in that transaction. Mr. Rees was retained by the Waimate Plain Natives. He was employed fairly and ‘honorably, and at the request of the Natives who were at the Parliament. I interpreted for him, and he deserved his £3OO. (Applause.) Leaving that, Mr. Rees said that I was put up to split the votes in the contest. Now that is a remark that I should have been better pleased had not been made and it might have been more judicious for him to have left it unsaid. It is a remark that has no foundation in truth. When he made that remark such a dissent was shown in the hall that he immediately changed his tactics, and then started to pay me some hollow compliments. He said that I had some little ability, and I that if 1 gave evidence to be trusted with political power, no doubt I would be able to give a good account of myself. (Applause.) He “ Damned with faint praise and with civil leer Without sneering, would others teach to sneer.” (Applause.) What evidence has Mr. JRecs given that he is to be entrusted with political power, that in fact he is to be entrusted with any power at all. (Applause.) FEDERATION. On the question of Federation, I shall not say a great deal to you to-night. It is a question that affects in a great degree the destiny of all the Australian Colonies. It effects their destiny to such an extent that I think it would be a wise thing to leave the question for another fifty years. I cannot go fully into the matter to-night, as it will occupy too much of your time. We find that the proposal of Federation would be a scheme that undoubtedly would be advantageous to the whole of the Australian Colonies, but when we look at the geographical position of New Zealand, so many hundreds of miles away from Australia, it would not reap the immediate benefits from it that these other colonies would get. We take Queensland for instance, where tropical labor is employed. Great benefit would accrue to it, because, situated as it is, it would avail itself of the advantages that would spring out of Federation and annexation of the adjacent islands. But that would not benefit us. You will agree with me that we don’t want Island labor coming to the country and interfering with the labor market. We are to have, according to Sir Dillon Bell, a population in New Zealand of 2,000,000 souls in sixteen years, at the end of the present century. There is another question. I mean the maintaining of a Federal Council, representing the whole of the colonies. In this I understand the cost would be on the basis of population. Now we see the population of Queensland is 250,000, and the population of New Zealand is 500,000, so that on that basis New Zealand would have to pay £2 to every £1 Queensland would have to pay. (Voice : Don’t see it.) Well, then, I will get you a powerful microscope ; perhaps you will see it then. IMMIGRATION. Upon the question of immigration, I have to say this—That the Government act unwisely in bringing a large number of people into this country, people of the shabby, genteel order of mortals, who will not or are not capable of working. There is no getting over the fact that we want the population of the country considerably increased to share the burden of taxation, that presses heavily upon us, because New Zealand has the distinguished reputation of being one of the most heavily taxed countries in the world. I think it would not be wise to stop immigration altogether. I think that people who are in these colonies, who came out here leaving a father, brother or any other relative at Home, should have an opportunity of nominating people and have them brought out here. DEPRESSION. I think the next subject that I will refer to is that of depression. We all know that it exists. What aie the causes of it? Sir Julius Vogel in his address to you mentioned that what had a good deal to do with it was a general want of confidence, and a sense of insecurity as to property. That statement coming from such a groat financier, is a sufficient guarantee as to its correctness. The Property Tax Act I should think bears indirectly also upon the cause of depression. I may be wrong but I am inclined to think that after all the Property Tax, which of course you are all aware taxes land, may not be the unmitigated good that we are told to consider it. The Property Tax can act in this _ way. When things are prosperous the tax is reduced—When the times become bad and the Government short of money the tax is increased to make up the revenue and the burden is made still heavier. So we see that the very time when we can least afford the pressure, the Government of the country finds itself forced to put the “screw” on. Now, if that is conceded, we can see how injuriously that principle would work. Many people at home say, “ Look at the

nature of the taxation of your country; yotl have an uncertain tax; there is no security about it.” Where there is no security there is doubt and misgiving. The Government can increase the Property Tax. There is nothing to prevent them increasing, it a half-penny, a penny, or threepence if the exigencies of the country demand it, and if they go on doing that the confidence of the people at Home will be shaken. It is a matter for the ablest minds in this country to see the way out of this difficulty. LOCAL INDUSTRIES, Now that we have dealt with the question of depression, let us see what course to take to avoid the existing difficulties. Anyone who looks about the place can see tliat one of the great drawbacks to this district is the absence of local industries. This district is admirably adapted for growing tobacco, hop growing, for cheese factories and other industries of that nature. We have here every advantage that nature can give, and she hds been bounteous in her blessings, but we do not take advantage of it. You look upon the face of the country, it seems to bear evidence of reproach of man’s listlessness. Take the question of tobacco growing. I have gone into that matter, and I assure you that about some £2O or £3O an acre could be made out of it. You can get 6d. or a Is. a pound for the leaf from the market at Auckland, where there are two factories. If people would only start here, I believe in course of time an industry of great value would be brought about. It would give employment for young people, What opportunity is there for lads to get employment. They get educated at the Government school, and when they leave what can you put them to when they are at the age of fourteen or fifteen—what will their prospects be ? You want local industries established, and you want experienced people to carry them out. Therefore I believe it would not be an unwise thing on the part of the Government in districts like this to do what it can to bring out people experienced in these matters. PUBLIC WORKS. I nearly omitted to mention something in respect to this district. We find on going back to the question of public works that districts like Poverty Bay absolutely derive no benefit from the public works of the colony. What advantage to us are railways in Napier or elsewhere ? We are bounded by a semicircle of mountain ranges and the ocean, and are thus cut off from all the world. We get no benefit from the Public Works Policy. I think we should receive some recompense, and for remote districts like this some means should be devised to localise the revenue raised in the place, otherwise we shall go on for years neglected and uncared for. AUDITING LOCAL GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTS. I will now refer to a thing which has been in my mind for some time, that is the system of auditing the accounts of local bodies. In other countries there is a system adopted by which there are public auditors, and these I men go through the country and audit the accounts of the various local governing bodies, As a general principle I think that system should be adopted. 1 am not aware that it has been touched on by the other candidates.

BRIEF SUMMARY. Now, gentlemen, I will just briefly summarize. I have pointed out to you that the statement which Mr. Rees makes, to the effect that there are only two parties, is incorrect, I have shown you the difference between Mr. Rees’ and Sir George Grey’s policies in regard to Native lands. I now address myself to the Greyites, many of whom are my staunchest personal friends. I will ask them to exercise their intelligence, and say—How can they dove-tail in Mr. Rees’ theory on Native land with that of Sir George Grey ? I believe that local governing bodies should have greater powers. I will not trespass on you patience further. I have engaged this hall the night before the election. I have to go to many parts of the district, because I intend to go in and win this time. (Tremendous clapping, and loud applause). lam going over every part of the district. (Immense applause). I will do it fairly and honorably, as 1 hope the other candidatsd will deal with me. I hope there is no candi. date going round whispering into the ears of people that the other candidates are not to be trusted. lam sure that the supporters of the other candidates axe not so lost as to go into the corners of streets and murmur slanders that they dare not utter on a public platform. (Great applause). I will meet the electors on the last night before the election, that is on the Saturday preceding the Monday of the election. Gentlemen—l cannot express to you my unbounded thanks for the patient hearing you have given me. (Loud and continued applause, with cries of “ encore ” I speak again. Voice : What about the Harbor Bill? THE HARBOR BILL. Gentlemen, with regard to the Harbor Bill, I have done a great deal towards it. In the County Council about six months ago I started the matter, and like many other matters I have started the other councillors opposed it, but soon came round, and they were unanimous that the matter should be placed before the Borough Council. (Voice : They are old women.) No one went harder into it than his Worship the Mayor, the chairman here. (Applause.) I suppose it will go without saying that I am in favor of the Harbor Bill, and I sincerely trust that I will have the pleasure of introducing it into the House. (Continued applause and clapping.) Mr. Dawson—l wish to ask Mr. Gannon if elected, what steps he would take to make up the deficiency in the revenue. Mr. Gannon—The first thing I would do would be to prevent the land from going into the hands of the large monopolists, and to have the Native lands put upon a proper footing, so that they could be properly subdivided. Mr. Dawson—Mr. Gannon’s views on the breakwater question are not sufficient. He has not made enough of that to-night. Mr. Gannon—My views on the breakwater are these. I should be very glad to see -it, and I may say I am in favor of it. Mr. Dawson —That is hardly what I want to know. Is it to be a harbor of refuge for ships, or what. Mr. Gannon—l should say that what we undoubtedly want is a harbor of refuge. In Sir John Coode’s report great stress is laid upon that point. It is recognished, and has always so been, that this is about the only place where a harbor of refuge can be had on this part of the coast. Mr. T. Wright—l would ask Mr. Gannon whether he is in favor of retrenchment in the Civil Service. Mr. Gannon —In reply to that I say that there are people in the Civil Service that would ba better out of it. (Hear, hear.) Several papers were here handed up to Mr. Gannon, who said in reply—l am asked if I am in favor of Government interfering with persons in trades and professions. I think there is too much interference on the part of the Government in these affairs. There is a question here as regards the deepening of the river, but I think I will leave that to Mr. Rosie. With regard to a main trunk line from Wellington to Auckland, that is required. lam in favor of the Europeans and Natives being governed by the same laws, although the Government seem to think differently as far as Native lands are concerned. In answer to the question as to whether skilled labor in prisons is detrimental to the colony or not, I may say I have only got an opinion upon the matter, that persons who break the laws of the country ought to be punished, but it does seem hard that a man who spends years of his lifetime in learning should be put on the same level with a common felon in a prison. Th? question, am I in favor of a Land Tax ? That question is occupying the minds of a great many people at the present lime. There is a tax on land now, and the question is, how that taxation can be so ai ranged as to bear evenly upon all sections of the community. Mr Wright—l would like to ask Mr Gannon if he is in favor of the Government or the Opposition ? Mr. Gannon—l am glad that question has been put to me. I will give a very decided answer to it, but before I do so I am going to draw a comparison. This question was put to Mr. Locke, and don’t you remember how he tried to wriggle out of it. He said that he would be a nominal member—as he would be a nominal representative to you. He said that if he went into the House he would be sitting on a rail. Now, gentlemen, I hope he

is present to-night for I am going to pay him a compliment. I see he is here. Gentlemen, look at him—that is if you can see him. (Laughter). He is a nice, broad-shouldered stout gentleman, fairly up in years. Now, gentlemen, imagine any one of his rotund form sitting on a rail. (Continued laughter.) And allowing, gentlemen, that you have exercised your mind to that extent, and that you can comprehend the situation—what do your think would be the result? (Voice: Tnm hip, down.) Yes, and on which side would he tumble ? (Voice : The wrong side.) No, the natural laws of gravitation would bear him down on the side of the greatest attraction. (Great applause and loud and prolonged laughter.) Gentlemen, upon the Ministerial question—the policy of the Government with respect to pre-emption—if I am returned, and if mv vote would put the Government out on it, that vote would do it. (Great applause.) Mr. Brodie—lf elected would you try to get Major Bopata’s pension reinstated. Mr.Gannon—Gentlemen, the action of the Government in reducing the pay of Major Bopata is just on a par with many other things that they have done to this district, I remember the time when the people here looked to him as their saviour. (Applause.) Major Bopata and his band with our worthy chairman came here, and they were the perlons who saved this district. They went about with their commissariat on their backs and established security in this place. (Great applause.) The man that brought desolation and misery upon many people here—how is he treated ? (Voice : He gets a farm.) He gets a farm. The man who saved the place, and who helped it—How is he treated ? The samll pittance that was granted him has been stopped, and when he get old he gets kicked out because the old times are gone and he is now of no use. (Applause.) Mr. W. Knights—l beg to move : “ That Mr. Gannon is a fit and proper person to represent this district in the ensuing session, and that he has the confidence of this meeting.” (Great applause and stamping.) Mr. File—l will second that. Mr. Chute, who could scarcely be heard on account of the hoots, hisses, yells and cries, moved as an amendment: “ That Mr. Gannon is not a fit and proper person to represent this district.” As there was no seconder to the amendment the Chairman put the original motion, which was almost unanimously carried, amidst tremendous applause. Three cheers were called for Mr. Gannon, and were lustily given, as also were three hearty groans for Mr. Rees. Only two voted against the motion, and the Chairman declared it almost unanimously carried. Mr. Sheehan next rose and addressed the meeting at length, and it then dispersed, after giving Mr. Gannon another round of cheers.