RUSSIA'S RECORD OF EXECUTIONS.

Oamaru Mail, Volume XXXVI, Issue 10067, 8 February 1909, Page 4

RUSSIA'S RECORD OF EXECUTIONS.

'THE STOLYPIN NECKTIE."

The re'gime of Premier Stolypin is the most terrible in the history of Russia—the regime of the "Stolypin Necktie, the hangman's noose, of martial law, and repressive measures such as even Russia has not known before. And yet Stolypin is heralded abroad as "a*prime minister worthy of the confidence of the nation," a prime minister who has the support of the Czar, the Duma, and an almost homogeneous Cabinet." Statements he has prepared for the English press for the purpose of discreditin" 0 whatever accounts of the true state of affairs in Russia might be published' in a document that fairly bristles with brazen falsehoods. . „ ■ . i One instance will be quite sufficient to five an idea to what- lengths the "Iron Man" of Russia is going in his eagerness to influence, through misrepresentation, the public sentiment of Europe in favor ot the Bussian constitutional autocracy. FIFTEEN KILLED MONTHLY. In answer t-o the question whether he could <*ive the figures which would show whether the executions weTe diminishing or increasing, and whether it was true that fifteen people were -hanged daily in Russia at that time, M. Stolypin answered: . "I have not got the exact figures, but I will secure them for you. In the meantime I will only say that fifteen executions a month would me much nearer the trutb, and this number, I hope, will diminish as the criminals of the revolutionary party are caught. I will, however, obtain for vou the statistics." . M. Makaroff, Premier Stolypin s adioint, who revised the statement, declared a fortnight later that he was ''sorry, but he could not obtain the exact statistics, as the executions took place under the military authorities, and they had not the returns at the Ministry of the Interioi. The Ministry of the Interior had notthe "returns," "but Stolypin was sure that fifteen executions a month was nearest the truth—yet all that was necessary for Stolypin and the Ministry of the interior to do in order to find out what all Russia knew—what every school child k new —was to add up the figures of the nameless' human beings executed, as reported daily on the first- pages of almost all the Bussian newspapers, and then Stolypin would have known that during the month of June, the same month when he made his statement, 153 human beings were executed. The month of May had witnessed an even larger number of executions. Ami the Premier, who is regarded outside of Bussia as "the iron man," has not the "returns," but he knows that only fifteen people are hanged every month. If Stolypin would have asked the children who live on the central of the city of Lodz—on Dlugaya and Ivon-stant-inovskaya—they would have told hini that more than fifteen are hanged monthlv in that city alone They could have told him what they =aw from the street or from the windows of their houses. There the scaffold js erected in the centre of the city, and from a distance it looks much like a swin" It brings to mind the recollections of children at' play, merrily swinging, laughinff, and' singing. The people who are condemned to the fallows, though led' to the scaffold by daylight, are handed at midnight, - and as they die they can hear the familiar tune of the '•swing song" of a popular operetta criven in the theatre close by. ... " The people in Bussia who are intimately familiar with the Premier and_ with the Prussian situation in general, regard Stolypin as a weak man, as a- tool, a willing performer of the dictates of the Czar, e\2ll when they are against the dictates of his conscience. Count Tolstoi, who ha* known the .Stolypin family for many years, in speaking of Premier Stolypin, said: "I feel sorrv for the man. I cannot condemn him. " I pity him. His hands are tied and he cannot do anything.' On October 18, 1905, the day after the proclamation of the manifesto granting a. constitution, M. Lopukhin, as Governor ot Estland, ordered signs conspicuously displayed throughout the province announcing the proclamation of freedom. He also commented upon the importance of the manifesto, and in a masterly document. the only one of its kind in Russia, he outlined the duties of the officials toward the people in accordance with the new manifesto. , , When the people celebrated the declaration of freedom and came into conflict with the military force's, Lopukhin refused permission to fire at the crowd. As a result of this Lopukhin was ordered to resign immediately. Lopukhin and Stolypin had studied together at the gymnasium and the_ university, and they remained intimate friends until Lopukhin, in a letter to the Premier, recounted frankly his findings concerning the organisation of the mas"You can't preach constitutionalism and absolutism at the same time, said M. Lopukhin, in speaking of _ the Premier. "This is S.tolypin's innovation —it is also the only innovation by Stolypin. He wants to unite these two incompatible systems. T . , "As for his honesty of purpose, 1 wish to 6ay that it is impossible for honest men to remain moral and honest under the present regime. The men under Stolypin are either stupid or dishonest. In fact, there is not one honest man in his Cabinet. An honest man would either resign or he would begin to compromise with his conscience and become dishonest. They are not honest even in their reaction.. And this, in my opinion, will ruin them all before their time. -, "Instead' of keeping the army disciplined, prepared for outside war in case of need, the administration, without realising it, helps along towards the disorganisation of the army. Two officers of different dragoon regiments told me the other day that ■for a whole year the horses had not been trained because the regiments had to do police woTk. . "The soldiers could not attend to their regular duties, for they were busy with other work. They will turn against the Government mnch sooner than it realises "Everything is dead in Russia. Commerce is reduced to ruin. Poverty rages throughout the land. iJobody feels safe that he would not- be hanged. There is not a- governor who does not break the law in Bussia". "There is no order even in the capital of. Russia. Every policeman sees something revolutionary at every step. By the system of martial law and extraordinary safety every suspicious case is turned over to the military court-. Thus many people are sentenced to death and' exeeuted.

"We have Governors—such as GovernorGeneral Hershelman (of Moscow) and Kaufman (of (jdessa), for instance—who act in their treatment of the press and the Jewish people as though they were in" the dark ages. . "But a short time ago Governor-General Hershelman issued a remarkable order. A Jewish child, 18 months old, was adopted by a Jewish family, who had a right lo reside in Moscow. The parents of the 18-months-old child, who had died, had had no right to live in Moscow. On learning this, Governor-General Hershelman issued an order that the 18-months-old ohild must leave Moscow within twenty-four hours. As a reason for this action he stated: that the pereon in question may Drove dangerous to the peace and order of the city of Moscow." ,