The Oamaru Mail WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED THE NEW ZEALAND AGRICULTURIST. SATURDAY, JANUARY 24, 1880.

Oamaru Mail, Volume IV, Issue 1177, 24 January 1880, Page 2

The Oamaru Mail WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED THE NEW ZEALAND AGRICULTURIST. SATURDAY, JANUARY 24, 1880.

There is some sense in the ideas of Mr. Arbuthnot, M.P., on the necessity for Great Britain to maintain intimate commercial relations with her colonics. Great Britain's population is increasing at such a rate that her manufactures must also be increased, and this, of course, necessitates increase in the number of her patrons. We have lately seen how the wheels of a great portion of the machinery of what was but a few years ago the workshop of the world rusted from want of the friction which a healthy commercial existence is capable of imparting ; how the operatives of that workshop struggled for the bread which they were no longer able to earn in the only manner with which they were acquainted, and the only manner, indeed, that was open to them. Mighty was the influence of Great Britain while the smoke ascended from her myriad stacks. Confounded was she when, almost without warning, it ceased to do so. Like the tradesman who educates an assistant until he starts in opposition, she magnanimously laid bare all the wonders of her trade—the hitherto secret springs that opened the world to her gigantic commerce. She was too generous to think of opposition—too cosmopolitan to care. She invited the world to come and witness the commercial miracles she had performed—it saw, admired, coveted, and imitated. There was one principle it did not copy. That is free trade —the principle that it was hoped would continue for all time to give Great Britain the entre of the world's markets. Her admirers were as wise as she was when she first adopted that principle. They had long enough been dependent upon her for supplies—now they were going to manufacture for themselves. Their, policy was to secure as far as possible the same success that had attended the industries of their great pattern. Handicapped as they were at the commencement of their new career —whatever might be their subsequent policy—their first care was to protect themselves against the inroads of their old friends. They could not hope to compete in the world's markets, but they would ensure their own. Thus Great Britain—the great example of the success of free trade —whilst in the midst of her glorification over a policy that was cosmopolitan enough to harmonise ith her character, and" profitable enough to be in the highest degree commercially satisfactory, fell from her high position. Free trade advocates were dumfoundered Protectionists were triumphant. The former had not provided in their programme for such a contingency as failure the latter had been anxiously and dismally awaiting the period when their lugubrious prognostications should be fulfilled. But we will not here argue tho question of Free Trade y. Protection. Mr. Arbuthnot's plan of welding Great Britain and her Colonies together by indissoluble ties is what we have undertaken to discuss. It i 3 nothing new. Great minds, both in the old and the new worlds have advocated such an adjustment of tariffs as would give Great Britain the preference in the markets of her Colonies, and her Colonies the preference in the markets of Great Britain, The ties that have hitherto bound our nation together have been flimsy in the extrepje, There have been no visible ties at all, except Governors, and they have often done more to dissever than to attach. The privilege of paying the salary of an obstructionist and meddler with our privileges is not one likely to cause us to think kindly of the nation that created such a nuisance. But let us look forward to a new and better era in the history of the empire. Let U3 rejoice that Great Britain proper recognises that in her colonies lives the thew and sinew of her national prosperity ; that the attitude of her legislators towards us ia loss haughty and disdainful than it was in the height of her prosperity. Even if this change of attitude is attributable to a realisation of our value as sudden as their commercial disaster, more than to feelings of patriotism, the advantages of closer relations will be none the less advantageous to the empire. Great Britain wants us to give her the preference and tako her manufactures —the Colonies want her to give them the preference and take their products. The advantages of such an arrangement would be material. It >vou)d maintain the wealth of the empire, which ha* within its almost unlimited bounds unlimited riches. Sir. Arbuthnot will be the greatest man of the age if he should be the means of carrying his point. Doubtless he is aware of tho difficulties by the way. The Colonies, when Great Britain treated them as though she believed that they were morally compellcd to purchase in her markets, almost involuntarily opened up commercial relations in the markets of other nations. G rtai Britain, too, purchased wool and grain in large from America and Hu33ia and other continental countries. Til/* ties that have thu3 been engendered will not be easily broken. It may not necessitate tho adoption of protection in its integrity, but it will necessitate the adoption of a policy so like it that it will be impossible to tell one from the other. How will Great Britain do this? She may be sick even unto death, but the medicine would be almoßt too bitter to

Bwallow. We shall, however, see-startling changes shortly. With America bidding for an. increase ,of the already large patronage from the colonies, Great Britain will be compelled to adopt some sweeping policy to retain her customers, and, indeed, regain her lost trade. This will not be done without some mutual concessions. The problem is not an easy one to solve, but it affords a subject of thought for the great thinkers of our empire.