THE NATIVE POLICY.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5489, 30 October 1878, Page 2

THE NATIVE POLICY.

, TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEW ZEA.tiA.ND TIMES. Sir,—l’n my List Litter T called attention to those “dslicite negotiations," as the Naive Minister would probably call tiiem, by which a philanthropic Government, bmnf-dl of the milk of human kindness see-s to “ benefit the human race” at the cost of that portion of it who happen to be Maori*, Were the native people as easily humbugged as Sir George Grey’s “ Christian* friends” appear to have been on a memorable occasion, a good deal might be said in favor of a policy which, though tricky, would assist in settling the country, Aa ii; is, however much the natives may applaud the eloquent harangues of the Premier, they have a very clear perception of the essential truth of the proverb that “ fine words batter no parsnips,” and strongly object to bo imposed upon when it comes to doing business. They are in fact an eminently practical race so far as their lights expend. Of necessity their knowledge is limited, but they have a fii-ru grasp of the facts and principles within their reach, and they are bora logicians It might require some argument to prove to them that the land tax, from which they-.are nominally exempt, really depreciates the value of i.heir property, because the effect is remote ; but they are thoroughly familiar with the political economy doctrine of the “ effectual demand” in that concrete form which Adam Smith describes as the “higgleing of the. market.” They have had such practical experience of the benefits of competition in so many varied form*, tiiat any return to that “ pre-emptive righ>" on the part of the Government, against which they have fought for years, is abhorrent to them. They feel- that they are subjected to gross injustice by thi-» tampering with their rights of ownership, and both their pride and self-interest are arrayed against us. I warn the Government that by the course they are pursuing, on a scale never before attempted, and by using means which are a disgrace to the name of Englishman, they are producing an amount of bitterness and discontent, as well lisation, of which the LTousa and the country have no idea. I do not say that the r suit will be another native difficulty in the shape of war. We are too strong for that now, but disturbances are still possible—disturbances which, though easily suppressed, would damage our credit and prevent the proper colonisation of some of the finest districts in the North Island for years. That, however, is rather pos ible thairprobable; the Teal danger is that in trying to keep out specul dors the Government will only succeed in locking up the native lands altogether. The boasted success of their native policy, and the wonderful results of Sir George Grey’s personal influence, I believe to be altogether a delusion. Time has beeu on their and where other men have ploughed the laud and sown the seed they have reaped the cropi; that is, where any crops has been reaped, for much of it is nothing bub a crop of clippings from journals—a Parliamentary paper composed by the correspondents of j mrnals full of gratitude for favors to come. A great deal of newspaper in the Government, and of Government in the newspapers, seem to be among.-t the most striking characteristics of the “ new evangel of liberalism." For my part, looking at the matter from a common-sense point of view, I can hardly regard the native question as being satisfactorily settled when I know that the peaceable survey and occupation of the \Vai\nate Plains depends almost entirely upon To Whit!. At present this'old man is amiably disposed towards us. With that confidence in supernatural powers which a people in the theological phase of opinion possess, his followers regard him as an oracle and .a worker of miracles. In March next ho is to hold a great meeting, when the dead are to be raised and the ancestors of the assembled tribes are to inform them what are the precise- steps which are to bo taken to enable them to regain the confiscated lands. There is always so much human nature in man that it is difficult to say how much cunning is mingled with Te Whiti’a prophetic madness. He may only wisli to gain time, and trust that the logic of events will induce his race to act sensibly. On the other hand, he may be watching his opportunity to get some advantage for himself and his people by raising “a difficulty” at the right moment. Should .that be hU object, or'should the same result arLe as a ooosequence*of his supernatural delusion, it is extremely important that we should have the sympathies of the great bulk of the native pe tple on our side. Isolated, a few fanatics would be powerless. Actively, or even passively assisted by other tribes, they would become formidable. What, then, can be more impolitic at fcho present juncture than to furnish the natives with a rallying point against us in the shape of a substantial grievance—one about which there copld be no mistake, which is distributed throughout a large portion ’of thU island, and one which a large number of persons are interested in bringing into prominence. The inevitable remit must bo that, though the Maoris may be wise enough to ab-t ilu generally from open violence, yet they will maintain an attitude of no ujed resistance, refusing to part with their lards, evading the law, fighting us in the Law Courts with the same tenacity of purpose that they have exhibited in the battle feld whenever what they conceived their rights were attacked. Since writing the above I have Keen the Government Native Laud Purchase Act Amendment Bill, introduced by Mr. Sheehan, which only confirms my opinion that the present Ministry is as deficient in the most elementary ideas of justice as it U in those of political honor. If that Bill becomes an Act, they will soon see that one of those “blunders that are worse than crimes" has beeu committed, from the effect it will have on their own interests. The thing is too violent. It ie tho mistake of a clumsy burglar who changes his false keys for a crowbar, and so rouses the household. But leaving the high ground of right and justice,—those immutable laws which are to s-iciety what the persistence of force is to physics, —in what sense is this “stealing of native land,” as the natives themselves call it, expedient ? It may indeed enable the Government to exercise an amount of political and even personal corruption which it is shocking to contemplate; and apart from this it enables them to delude tho electors with a pretended zeal for their good, but does the greatest happiness of the greatest number require to be secured by such “Oriental diplomacy " as this ? Evidently not. What does tho country really want ? Land for tho people and people fertile land. All are agreed upon this; in this island the only difficulty is to get the land. Tho Government say, in effect, to their officers “ Get it honestly if you can—but get it." I say if it is not got honestly it ought not to bo got, and what U more, will not bo got at all. “But," say “The friends of tho people," “an honest native land purchase policy will play into tho hands of the speculators, wo must rob the natives to prevent the speculators robbing you.” I fancy that the man who professes to rob .others for my benefit will end by robbing me for his own; hut, apart from this, there is a fallacy of confusion in the whole argument. What is the real evil of the land being in the hands of the natives ? Simply this, that so long as it is so held it is unproductive. That it should be so held is a misfortune, but one-which we must accept—a sort of “constant” in our political calculations. No sooner is this land bought by Europeans who have the capital and skill to use it properly than it acquires a value in use and in exchange. In other words, it is practically a real addition to the wealth of the community. To mix up the two question* of the acquisition and the distributim of wealth, aa is so commonly done in this and other subjects, is the art by which politicians gain popularity and entangle themselves and their dupes in their own nonsense. As in all cases in which the speculative element exists, the large capitalist has a groat advantage, and the Government, as the largest pf capitalists, should have the greatest of all. That advantage it has been throwing away by its gross unfairness. We none of us like to daal with people who are always attempting to defraud us. Still, they may recover their character for honesty if they will bo content to take their chance in tho open market with all comers. Even if they fail to buy as much as they did in the past no great harm will bo done so long as the laud is owned by Europeans who can make use of it instead of natives who cannot. Suppose one of dreaded speculators finally completes the purchase of 100,000 acres of land, he won’t eat it, and if he doesn’t use it it will soon eat him. He can be rated, taxed, and dealt with according to law, and he either employs labor and pays wages, or cuts up the property and sells it. In this latter ca»e he pockets tho purchase money instead of the State doing so. Tho latter would bo prefer ible, but tho choice lies between some one being benefited or no one. As to nuy machinery beb.g desired which will enable us to enjoy tho fruits of an honest native policy while we are pursuing a dishonest one, the thing is a delusion. In our day, as in old times men do not gather grapes of thorns or tigs of thistles,—l am, Economist. Wanganui, October 2d, .